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I Esperanto I Revolution

Revolutionarie and Geeks

Language Polit Media and the InternationalC

Guilherme Fians

 

ics, Digital Making of an ommunity

palgrave

macmillan

Esperanto Revolutionaries and Geeks

Guilherme Fians

Esperanto Revolutionaries and Geeks

Language Politics, Digital Media and the Making of an International Community

palgrave

macmillan

Guilherme Fians Department of Anthropology University of Brasflia Brasflia, Brazil

ISBN 978-3-030-84229-1 ISBN 978-3-030-84230-7 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84230-7

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021

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Esperanto is a language like any other — except when it isnt. (Humphrey Tonkin, 2020, personal communication)

We're not as numerous as we wanted,, but we're more than you can imagine. (Anonymous Esperantist from France, 2017)

For Ngan and Regina, the women ofmy life

Acknowledgements

This book began as a simple quest for answers and never ended. But it never ended for a very good reason: one question constantly led me to others and I frequently encountered people along the way who pushed me further. I started to write it almost on my own. Yet, similarly to Deleuze and Guattari's Thousand Plateaus—but in a much less poetic manner—at the end of it, we were quite a crowd, with a number of people sharing an interest in what I was doing, thinking with me and encouraging my endeavour.

My first thanks go to the Esperanto associations and Esperantists that allowed me to conduct my research with them, in both France and the Netherlands, as well as to those who welcomed me during my stay in France and almost instantly became my friends. Due to my use of pseudonyms, I cannot thank these Esperantists by name, but they know who they are. They taught me almost everything I know about France, digital media and political activism and were responsible for turning Paris into a home for me. I also owe a profound debt to Arandi Gomes Teixeira, who introduced me to Esperanto. Without our conversations, I

X Acknowledgements

might have never learned the language. I was also lucky to meet Fernando Pita, who helped me give shape to this research.

At the University of Manchester—where I began writing this book— I wish to thank those who stayed by my side on all occasions. Firstly, Stef Jansen, who always had encouraging words to share, not only about anthropology, but about life in general. As a careful reader and sharp interlocutor, Stef continuously instigated my curiosity and, above all, made my writing properly inductive. I am also very grateful to my 'mates' Diego Valdivieso, Pedro Silva Rocha Lima, Noah Walker- Crawford and Jeremy Voirol. Through our heated arguments around each other's manuscripts, I learned a lot about anthropology while devel- oping friendships that I hope to carry for life. In addition, I thank Haobin 'Henry' Huang and Shota Kukuladze, who helped me over- come the challenges of being a foreigner in the United Kingdom; to Bill Chapman, who first introduced me to Esperanto speakers in Europe; to the glorious Fallowfield Fellowship and its founding fathers, Sammy Kennedy and Marco Pedroni, for forcing me to take breaks from my research; and to Rosilene and Mario Galindo, who brought some of the flavour of my country of origin to my country of residence. Also, my thanks go to the friends I left in Rio de Janeiro and who always welcomed me back during my years living in the United Kingdom, among which Marcelo Meirelles, Leonardo Soutelo and Jose Maurfcio Grigorovski.

This research was funded by the University of Manchester, the Manchester Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence, the Centre for Research and Documentation on World Language Problems and the Esperantic Studies Foundation. I also wish to thank many others, whose names cannot fit in a page, without whom this book would never have seen the light of day. Among them, Humphrey Tonkin—whose support and encouragement I can never thank enough—Sabine Fiedler, Javier Alcalde, Ulrich Lins, Manuela Burghelea, Bert de Wit, Federico Gobbo, Marcio Goldman, Bruna Franchetto, Douglas Holmes, Christina Toren, Penny Harvey, Matt Candea, Angela Torresan and my all-time colleagues from Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Museu Nacional and the University of Manchester. More recently, the University of Brasflia took me in, and colleagues in my new academic home were the ones encour- aging and supporting me during my last manuscript-editing rounds. Also, of course, I thank the editorial team of Palgrave Macmillan, particularly Cathy Scott, who promptly welcomed my project and who, together with Manikandan Murthy and two anonymous reviewers, gave me all the support to improve this manuscript.

Last but not least, I owe my deepest gratitude to my family. To Thu Ngan Ngo, who insists on turning me into a better human being and with whom I share everything; to Regina Fians, who keeps teaching and inspiring me and doing more than a mother could do. To Ngan and Regina, I also thank for their patience during my absences and their eternal willingness to listen to me attentively when I asked their opinion about anthropological matters they were totally unfamiliar with. I also wish to thank Pedro Fians, who always encouraged me and raised me with affection; to Wilson and Suely Moreira, for all the conversations and happy moments we spent together; to Erica and Vinicius Moreira and to Ailton Pacheco da Costa Junior, for listening attentively to my all-too- frequent complaints about life; and to Neuza Fians, for the smiles and kisses. Besides, impossible not to mention Edson and Arlete Moreira: my memories of them always make me stronger and give me the courage to keep going.

Some of the data and arguments on vocabulary choice and linguistic authority on Chapter 5 appeared in Esperanto on a chapter at the edited volume The Intercultural Role ofEsperanto, edited by Ilona Koutny, Ida Stria and Mark Farris and published by Adam Mickiewicz Univer- sity/Wydawnictwo Rys. A preliminary version of Chapter 7's discussion on intergenerational language transmission was published as 'Mind the age gap: Communication technologies and intergenerational language transmission among Esperanto speakers in France', in Language Problems and Language Planning (2020, 44:1: 87-108).

Contents

In the Beginning Was the Word 1

Where to Begin the Construction of a Language? 7

Encounters: On Community, Movement

and Mediation 12

Navigating the Field 18

Researching in La Republique 21

Journey Log 25 References 27

And the Word Was Made Flesh, or How to Narrate Histories 33

A Long and Winding Road 36

Becoming the Universal Language 40

To the Right and to the Left, Between Ups

and Downs 43

On Failing to Become Universal 50 References 54

Follow the (Non-)Native: Circulating, Mapping

and Territorialising the Esperanto Community 59

The Social Life of Cardboard Boxes 61

The Territorialisation of a One-Night-Stand

Relational Assemblage 66

How to Recast the Global, Between Boundedness

and Multi-Sitedness 70

On the Move, in the Making 76

Joining and Creating a Pop-Up Community 83 References 85

When Esperantists Meet, or What Makes This Community International? 89

The Materialisation of a Pop-Up Community 91

The Invention of Esperantujo 95

Communicating Differences and Resemblances 100

From Humanism to Internationalism, with Many Differences in Between 103

Disentangling Nationality Through Sociability 110

On Behalf of Catalonia 118 References 121

The Speech Community Against the Language Council: Vocabulary Choice, Authority

and Standardisation in a No Man's Language 125

The Drowning Drone 128

Determining Linguistic Authority Through

Vocabulary Choice 134

Who Holds the Power When the Original Authority Is Dead? The Principles of Flexibility, Internationality and Primordiality 137

Defining Right and Wrong: The Re-Politicisation

of Language 144

References 148On Moving and Standing Still: The Social Movement

from the Standpoint of an Esperanto Association 151

Move Forward! 155

The Rise and Fall of Esperanto as a Left-Leaning

Cause 159

Standing Still... 166

A Cause Looking for Its Momentum 169

Slowly Moving Again 174 References 176

Mobile Youth: How Digital Media Changed Language Learning, Activism for Free Speech and the Very Experience ofTime 179

Fast Language Learners, Instant Users, Even Faster

Texters 181

Freedom of Speech, with a Detour via Freedom

to Code 187

Mind the (Age) Gap 192

On Rhythms, Regularities and Seasons 197

What Is Left Unsaid When Communication Takes

Place Largely Online? 200

References 204

We Have Never Been Universal: How Speaking

a Language Becomes a Prefigurative Practice 207

Deleuze and the Esperantology of Becoming 209

Doing Things Differently: Esperanto as a Powerful Alternative 214

Deeds, Not Words 223

A Language Not Meant to Become Universal:

Esperanto as a Powerless Alternative 227

Keeping the Conversation Going 232 References 235

9 Coming to a Close, or How Not to Put an End

to the Conversation 239

Mediation, the Language of Politics and the Politics

of Language 240

Mapping Community by Being Mobile 242

Stability as a Matter of Power, Freedom and Choice 244

Towards an Empowerment of Ephemerality 246 References 249

Afterword 251

Index 257

About the Author

Guilherme Fians is Lecturer in Anthropology at the University of Brasflia (Brazil) and Co-Director of the Centre for Research and Docu- mentation on World Language Problems (Netherlands/USA). He holds a Ph.D. in Social Anthropology from the University of Manchester (UK), where he also taught for three years. His research interests and publica- tions revolve around social movements, nationalism, language politics and digital media, with a focus on France. In line with his commit- ment to multilingualism in academia, his publication track record includes articles and books in English, Portuguese, French, Esperanto and German.

Glossary and List of Acronyms

 

 

The Academy of Esperanto, the institutional body responsible for overseeing and stewarding the devel- opment of the language

A GPS-based mobile phone app through which users can locate and contact learners and speakers of the same language nearby

Debate circle, held weekly at SAT-Amikaro's head- quarters, in Paris, where people discuss contempo- rary politics in Esperanto

Language learning platform, available on a website

and mobile phone app, offering several gamified

language courses free of charge

Those who speak Esperanto regularly and/or

join Esperanto associations and the movement as

activists, volunteers and members, and who partici-

pate in the Esperanto community

Those who are learning or who can speak Esperanto,

regardless of fluency, but who do not use the

language on a regular basis nor claim to participate

Akademio de Esperanto

Amikumu

Babilrondo

Duolingo

Esperantist

Esperanto speaker

in the Esperanto community

xx

Glossary and List of Acronyms

 

 

Esperanto-France

Esperanto-movado Esperantujo/Esperantio

Finvenkisto/Fina venko

Homaranismo

Interna ideo JEFO

Pasporta Servo

Samideano SAT

French National Esperanto Association, headquar- tered in Paris. Affiliated to UEA, it is the French national representative of the neutral Esperanto movement

Esperanto movement

Esperanto community, sometimes referred to in English as Esperantoland

Finvenkismo refers to the aspiration of making Esperanto effectively universal, as the de facto global language. The ardent promoters of the fina venko (the final victory) are called finvenkistoj, even though few Esperantists would adopt this term as self-referential

Political and philosophical programme envisaged by Zamenhof to inspire Esperantists to perceive humankind as a brotherhood of peoples, regardless of one's origins or background. Homaranismo is the basis of what this book calls Esperantos 'humanist cosmopolitanism'

Inner idea. Closely linked to Homaranismo, it conveys Zamenhof's intent to use Esperanto to promote fraternity and justice among peoples Junulara Esperanta Franca Organizo, French Esperanto Youth Organisation, also known as Esperanto-jeunes. Headquartered in Paris, it occa- sionally uses Esperanto-France's headquarters for its activities and gatherings

Hospitality service oriented at Esperantists and based on a directory (printed and online) of poten- tial hosts and guests. Works similarly to services such as Couchsurfing.com, having preceded the latter

Fellow thinker, referring to those who both speak Esperanto and partake of its interna ideo Sennacieca Asocio Tutmonda, World Non-National Esperanto Association. Headquartered in Paris, it is a major organisation in the left-wing, workers' Esperanto movement

SAT-Amikaro Union des Travailleurs Esperantistes de Langue

Fran^aise, Union of Esperantist French-Speaking Workers. Headquartered in Paris, it is the French- speaking wing of SAT TEJO Tutmonda Esperantista Junulara Organizo, World

Esperanto Youth Organisation, headquartered in Rotterdam

UEA Universala Esperanto-Asocio, Universal Esperanto

Association. Headquartered in Rotterdam, it is the leading organisation in the neutral Esperanto move- ment

List of Figures

Comic strip in English, based on a widely used

exploitable (i.e. an image easy to replicate and edit)

and adapted by young Esperanto speakers, joking

about several parent's reactions towards Esperanto

language learning (Source Facebook page Steve the silly

and vagabond linguist, retrieved September 2017) 5

Esperanto-speaking hosts registered on Pasporta Servo.

As one zooms in, the map shows the precise location

of each host. It is worth noting that the geographical

distribution of Pasporta Servo users does not necessarily

correspond to that of Esperanto speakers (Source

Pasporta Servo's website, retrieved October 2021) 72

Postcard, produced by Raphael Tuck & Sons, in 1922,

in the United Kingdom, praising the rapprochement

of peoples through Esperanto. It reads, in Esperanto:

'Friendly Salutations. Oh, Let us sing a song/ About

the language Esperanto/ By writers and poets/ In

poems and odes' (Source Hector Hodler Library, UEA,

Fig. 1.1

Fig. 3.1

Fig. 4.1

Rotterdam) 105

xxiv List of Figures

Fig. 4.2 Postcard related to the First Workers' Esperantist Congress, which would be held in Paris, in 1914, but never took place due to the First World War. The image, by Ludovic-Rodo Pissarro circa 1914, portrays Esperanto guiding the people's fight against capitalism, the latter being depicted as a vulture (Source Department of Planned Languages, Austrian National Library, Vienna) 107

Fig. 6.1 Poster saying, in Esperanto: 'What are you doing to stop this? Esperantists of the world, put your strength against international fascism' (Source Comissariat de Propaganda de la Generalitat de Catalunya, c.1936. Available at the US Library of Congress, Washington D.C.) 152

Fig. 6.2 Poster in French, encouraging workers of the world

to come together and break down the language barriers that keep them apart (Source SAT-Amikaro, c.1955. Available at the archives of SAT-Amikaro, Paris) 153

Fig. 7.1 Meme in Esperanto (based on a scene from the cartoon Family Guy) that jokingly refers to Noah's Ark. This kind of meme is called object labelling exploitable, as the humour comes from the labels added to the image. In this case, the animals to the left stand for Facebook experts, courses on YouTube, Lernu.net, apps, online courses, 'teach yourself' books and Duolingo, whereas Noah points at the hybrid resulting from their crossbreed ('my language skills') and asks 'What is that?' (Source Facebook group Esperantaj Memeoj, retrieved December 2020) 184

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1

In the Beginning Was the Word

In 2003, the renowned linguist Noam Chomsky was invited to give a series of interviews, in English, at Stony Brook University. In the second part of these Stony Brook Interviews, the linguist Mark Aronoff asked Chomsky why, in his opinion, the increasing interest that linguists once had in 'universal languages' had almost vanished between the early twentieth and the early twenty-first centuries. Referring specifically to Esperanto, a constructed language designed to be used for international communication, the defining part of Chomsky's answer was:

So, now it's understood that Esperanto is not a language. It's just parasitic on other languages. Then comes a question, which is not a linguistic question, but a question of practical utility. Is it more efficient to teach people a system which is parasitic on actual languages, and somewhat simplifies, eliminates some of the details of actual historical languages; or is it more efficient just to have then a whole lot of languages? And I think it's now pretty widely accepted that the latter is better and not hard.

Earlier on the same interview, Chomsky had evinced his miscompre- hension of Esperanto by presenting it as a helter-skelter variation of

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive 1

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Spanish—which is curious, given that the creator of Esperanto was not familiar with Spanish. Most importantly, Chomsky argues that Esperanto could not be characterised as a 'language' because of its limited number of explicit grammar rules, which requires its speakers to constantly fill in Esperanto's gaps with transfers from one's prior knowledge of other languages. Yet, regardless of Esperanto being deemed by formal linguis- tics a 'language' or not, a loosely estimated two million people worldwide ensure Esperanto's continuous use and survival. Among such Esperanto speakers, a dozen of them meet regularly at a small office in the thir- teenth district of Paris, France, in the headquarters of the left-leaning association SAT-Amikaro.

Every Friday evening, SAT-Amikaro holds a babilrondo, a debate circle where people meet for informal conversations in Esperanto about contemporary politics. I first joined these debates in late September 2016, in my first week living in Paris. The topics discussed in previous weeks included the upcoming French elections, nuclear energy, mental health and linguistic discrimination. By contrast, that Friday's debate was open: each participant was supposed to bring a newspaper or magazine article to present and discuss with the group.

That evening, by 6.30 p.m., sixteen Esperanto speakers had arrived and sat around the long table at SAT-Amikaro, chatting, nibbling on snacks and sipping drinks they had brought. Paul,[1] a retired Professor of Medicine, kicked off the debate by presenting a newspaper article from Le Monde diplomatique about recent scholarly research on what motivates people to smoke and to quit smoking. Commenting on the article, he argued that human beings always do the opposite of what they should do and end up sacrificing important things like their own health. Then, Gilbert shared an article he had received by e-mail from the Union des federalistes europeens. As a member of this association, he often received newsletters supporting European federalism and the strength- ening of the European Union. Highlighting the commonalities between

Esperantos international character and European integration, he enthu- siastically claimed that 'were Zamenhof [Esperantos creator] alive today, he would surely support European federalism!'[2] Unbuttoning the collar of his Post Office staff shirt, Gilbert rushed to add that Esperanto could even play a role in the EU, since an international language built with elements of European languages could underplay nationalisms among EU countries. Yet, other participants of the babilrondo did not seem equally supportive of federalism. Valentin, a retired manual labourer in his late sixties, took off his dark green forage cap, put it on the table with a gesture of dismissal and grumbled that 'no matter how much we change the EU, it will still be a result of capitalism trying to co-opt every social relation into a commercial framework'.

Next, Pascal—a middle-aged statistician who worked at the French Ministry of Agriculture and Fishing—contributed to the debate with an article about Jose Mujica, a former president of Uruguay. He had found the text on a previous issue of Sennaciulo (The Non-National), an Esperanto periodical edited by Sennacieca Asocio Tutmonda (SAT, the World Non-National Esperanto Association, an association linked to SAT-Amikaro). The article argued that Mujica was one of the few twenty-first-century politicians who legitimately stood for minorities and the working classes. Pascal's comments about the article elicited vibrant reactions from other participants and quickly became the focus of that evening's discussion. As I was the only Latin American in a room filled with French nationals, one Croatian and one Tunisian, Pascal turned to me to ask a number of questions about politics, electoral systems and protests against past and current presidents in Latin America.

The participants were surprised with some of the things I said, and Pascal complained: 'We don't hear much about Latin America in the mainstream French media, that's why we need this kind of debate here!' Later, wielding his copy of Sennaciulo, he added: 'Without Sennaciulo and our debates here, I would have known nothing about him [Mujica] and Uruguayan politics!' Using Esperanto as a means to gain access to information they would perhaps not obtain otherwise, the Esperanto speakers gathered at SAT-Amikaro frame these weekly debates as hori- zontal learning spaces, where federalist postmen, communist manual labourers, anarchist public servants—and, sometimes, an anthropolo- gist—discuss left-leaning political topics and learn from each other's perspectives and experiences.

Yet Esperanto also bears relevance beyond the framework of political debates and activism. In online settings, for instance, young speakers frequently use Esperanto to talk about travelling and programming or to practise foreign languages with Esperanto speakers from different linguistic backgrounds. Posting online in other languages to reach out to non-Esperanto-speaking publics, Esperanto speakers also mock their own niche interest in a 'useless' language. A commonplace way of expressing such form of self-deprecating humour is through one of the most popular and fast-spreading tools to transmit ideas online: Internet memes consisting of humorous image posts (Fig. 1.1).

Whether to foster political debates, share the latest world news or make jokes, this international auxiliary language constructed in the late nineteenth century has consolidated its presence in the early twenty- first century. While it does not compete directly with languages more widely spoken in international contexts, such as English, Spanish, Arabic or Swahili, Esperanto has secured its existence as a living language through its continuous use in spoken and written forms by a lively speech community.

As a nationalism-free constructed language, Esperanto is not meant to replace hegemonic or minority languages, but rather to establish a linguistic middle ground for foreigners to communicate without resorting to anyone's mother tongue. Esperanto is assumed to be no one's first language, as nobody is raised in an Esperanto-speaking neigh- bourhood or similarly, fluency in it is not normally a requirement when people apply for jobs or move abroad. Esperanto is generally placed outside the realm of coercion, since people who do not want to learn or speak it are unlikely to feel some sort of constraint or an external obligation to do so. Initially supported by the bourgeoisie, intellectuals, revolutionaries and left-wing activists, Esperanto currently also draws the attention of young polyglots and geeks attracted by non-mainstream

 

Fig. 1.1 Comic strip in English, based on a widely used exploitable (i.e. an image easy to replicate and edit) and adapted by young Esperanto speakers, joking about several parent's reactions towards Esperanto language learning (Source Facebook page Steve the silly and vagabond linguist, retrieved September 2017) intellectual activities. The latter groups often come across, study and use Esperanto through online courses and digital media, and occasionally compare it to fictional languages such as Tolkiens Elvish (The Lord ofthe Rings), Marc Okrand's Klingon (Star Trek) and George R. R. Martins Dothraki (Game of Thrones). In its 130 years of existence, Esperanto has developed into a set of cosmopolitan principles, a widespread speech community and a language-based social movement, being alternatively seen as a hobby, an intellectual game and a language-based critique of the contemporary.

Those who are sceptical about Esperanto's present-day relevance tend to regard it as a utopian project that went wrong—an artificial language that aspired to universality but that ended up forgotten. Several of its enthusiastic supporters, by contrast, see it as a living language that contributes to fairer and more egalitarian communication, as a peace-promoting tool to bring together forward-thinkers committed to building a better world. Between a failed project circumscribed to the past and a future-oriented global justice movement, what is the place of Esperanto in the present?

Beyond such contrasting perceptions of 'the language of the past' and 'the language of the future', this book aims to map out the various constituencies in which Esperanto bears relevance in the present, taking the reader from left-leaning debate groups and alterglobal- isation movements to international Esperanto meetings and online forums. Unpacking Esperanto-mediated relationships, code-switching and cosmopolitan sociabilities, this book asks: if Esperanto has been historically linked with radical politics, what is its current political rele- vance? Given that this speech community is unbounded and dispersed by definition, how do speakers gather and create contexts to commu- nicate in the language? Relatedly, what impacts have communication technologies such as digital media had on the organisation of this speech community and language movement?

Research for this book was conducted through 13 months of face-to- face ethnographic fieldwork in 2016—2017 and a longer period of digital ethnography, from 2016 to 2020. This included long-term participant observation and semi-structured interviews, as well as complementary archival research. Concentrating my ethnographic fieldwork in Paris,

France—a place where, since the early twentieth century, this language has been closely associated with left-wing activism—this study tran- scended French territory as I followed Esperanto speakers, gatherings and publications, as well as online and face-to-face instances of communica- tion in other places in Europe and in Asia.

This book proposes a novel approach to language politics and community-building by tracing Esperanto speakers' perceptions and practices regarding cosmopolitanism, digital media use, language ideolo- gies and radical politics. At the heart of this inquiry is the question of what it takes to ensure the stability of a language that nearly no one is required to speak and of a speech community that cannot rely on inter- generational language transmission. I argue that the unsteady status of this language and the transient character of the materialisations of its speech community are actually central to what fuels the perception of Esperanto as a language that yields more egalitarian communication and an inclusive community.

1.1 Whereto Beginthe Construction of a Language?

It was in the late nineteenth-century Russian Empire, through the pen of Ludwik Lejzer Zamenhof, that a language called Esperanto began to take shape. Aiming to bring about a rapprochement of people from different national and linguistic backgrounds through mutual understanding, Zamenhof conceived Esperanto as a rational language that could address the nationalist-laden clashes between people living in Zamenhof's home- town, Bialystok. With fewer basic grammar rules and being more regular than the already existing languages at the time, Esperanto came to be linked to its creator's pacifist ideals of fraternity, solidarity and world peace, as analysed in the chapters to come. Throughout its history, Esperanto has been widely learned, spoken, forgotten and taken up again, having aroused the interest and support of people such as Leo Tolstoy, Jules Verne, Charles Chaplin, Marshal Tito and Tivadar Soros, as well as the disavowal of Ludwig Wittgenstein, George Orwell and Noam Chomsky. Whatever it is and whatever it is capable of, Esperanto seems to have succeeded in continuously attracting people's attention and in gathering speakers, making it a phenomenon remarkable in itself.

Coming to think of it, it may sound a bit odd that several people communicate, formulate ideas and establish relationships with each other using words and structures that started in a single person's desk. With this in mind, before tracing the uses of Esperanto in various places, times and circumstances, a more immediate question arises: what kind of language is Esperanto?

Often classified as an international auxiliary language, Esperanto in its phonology, grammar, vocabulary and semantics draws heavily on Romance, Germanic and Slavic languages.[3] In terms of vocabulary, Zamenhof attempted to choose the most international roots[4] for the initial Esperanto words he coined. In practice, this meant root words present in most European languages, so that Esperanto could sound familiar to speakers of those languages. Its alphabet is based on the Latin script, with some letters having diacritics. Its spelling is phonemic, each letter corresponding to one phoneme and with the stress always on the penultimate syllable. In terms of morphology and syntax, Esperanto is agglutinative, with compound words formed in a head-final order. Words in Esperanto consist of a stem, occasionally with suffixes and prefixes attached to it, followed by a grammatical ending: for instance, -o indi- cates nouns, -a adjectives, -e adverbs, -j plurals and an accusative case ending -n marks the direct object in a sentence. Its dominant word order is SVO (subject + verb + object). However, this order is relatively flex- ible due to the morphological marking of the accusative, which allows Esperanto speakers to recognise the constituents of a sentence irrespective of the order of words in the sentence.

While natural or ethnic languages have no 'publication date' and develop organically as they are used by particular human groups (Miner 2011), Esperanto and its fundamentals can be traced back to one man. As highlighted by an Esperantist who I met at the 101st Universal Congress of Esperanto, in Slovakia, in 2016: 'Esperanto is an inter- esting phenomenon, isn't it? Because the language created its population, whereas what usually happens is the opposite: a population creates its language'. This dissimilarity, when measured against natural languages, is what characterises Esperanto as a constructed or planned language, accounting for its alleged artificiality. Yet, as in natural languages, the regular use of Esperanto also produces changes, updates and variations, as its diversifying speech community has made Esperanto into a living language that evolves organically from its planned fundamentals.

Just as with natural languages, Esperanto is also spoken by children. Among parents from different linguistic backgrounds who meet each other through Esperanto, it is common practice to raise bilingual or multilingual children and to use Esperanto as a home language. In addition, it may be that younger generations of a family become inter- ested in Esperanto thanks to the older generations' engagement with it. Yet, however organic the language may have become, these cases are not prevalent: the stability of the Esperanto speech community is continuously called into question insofar as language transmission along generational lines cannot be assumed to ensure Esperantos continuity.

Moreover, Esperanto is neither supported by governments nor is it widely used for the provision of services or education. Without being extensively taught at home or schools, most people take up Esperanto through self-learning. In the language's early days, this occurred mostly through teach-yourself learning materials and books. These were—and still are—occasionally complemented by language tutoring by correspon- dence or phone, as well as by face-to-face courses offered at Esperanto associations. More recently, the Internet has enabled online language learning, which has brought a new wave of speakers to the community while reinforcing Esperanto's position outside the framework of formal education.

Another aspect that configures it as a rather singular language has to do with its relation to spatiality: Esperanto is not an official or customarily spoken language anywhere, in any bounded location, neighbourhood, region or country. Since nearly no one is fully immersed in an Esperanto- speaking environment, Esperanto has no native speakers—which raises a fierce linguistic debate about what it means to be a native speaker of a language. Following a formalist approach, Ken Miner (2011) draws a fundamental distinction between native speakers and speakers-from-birth. For Miner, being a native speaker entails learning a given language by receiving and using it continuously within a wider speech community during one's early childhood. By contrast, if some children only use Esperanto as a home language with their parents and siblings and use it in its spoken form significantly more than in writing, they are more likely to repeat the mannerisms, grammar mistakes and idioms coming from their close relatives, which characterises these children as speakers-from- birth. This is also the case of migrants' children, who use their parents' mother tongue at home and, outside home, the official language of where they live.

Native speakers occupy a prestigious position in formal language theory (Chomsky 2006). Unlike those who learn a language later in life, native speakers unconsciously develop certain cognitive systems that characterise their knowledge of the language and account for their norm- providing language use (Chomsky 2006: 23—25; Miner 2011). The same does not apply to speakers-from-birth, which, following Chomsky, results in Esperanto not being a 'language' and, according to Miner, makes Esperanto linguistics impossible.

In a rather contrasting approach, drawing upon the Esperanto word denaskulo,[5] Sabine Fiedler (2006, 2012) acknowledges that the status of someone who speaks Esperanto from birth cannot be equated with the status of a native speaker of an ethnic language and recognises that the linguistic competence of denaskuloj does not decide on the stan- dards of the language. However, in her view, this does not invalidate Esperanto linguistics, as the study of Esperanto-speaking children, for instance, can be useful to explore linguistic phenomena such as baby- talk, onomatopoeia and euphemisms (2012: 75—76). Esperanto may not be an object of study available for formal linguists, but this does not preclude the possibility of studying this language and speech community from other theoretical and analytical standpoints.

The lack of native speakers and the absence of a bounded Esperanto- speaking territory account for the difficulty to produce a reliable account of how many people speak Esperanto. According to one estimate, there are over two million L2 speakers—meaning those who have Esperanto as a second language—which places it as, presumably, the largest commu- nity of speakers of an international auxiliary language. This is the figure recurrently repeated by Esperantists since 1989, when Sidney Culbert disclosed, in a letter to David Wolff, the results of his loose survey on the number of Esperanto speakers in the world (Culbert 1989). More recently, the same figure was reiterated, in an equally vague survey, this time based on the online use of the language (Wandel 2015). Several factors prevent the production of a credible count of Esperanto speakers. Firstly, national surveys, when they include questions about linguistic background, tend to focus on one's first, rather than second languages. Secondly, not all of those who learn Esperanto become members of asso- ciations, go to international meetings or join online Esperanto groups, which are the spaces commonly analysed by Esperanto surveys. Thirdly, not all of those who study the language become proficient or come to use it effectively, which places them outside the framework of the de facto speech community. The figure of two million speakers cannot be easily validated, but the fact that Esperantists usually mention it to justify the strength of the language becomes in itself ethnographic data.

It is also worth noting that, as a constructed language, Esperanto goes against the theoretical principle of the priority of spoken language over the written form.[6] As John Lyons (1968: 38-39) argues, there has never been any known bounded human group lacking the capacity for speech. By contrast, several languages have historically existed without a writing system, some of them up to the point they encountered missionaries and linguists who proposed written forms for them. The contrasting feature of Esperanto in this regard is that, for being a constructed language, it was first designed in written form and only effectively spoken when a second person (other than Zamenhof) learned it.

In sum, the Esperanto language—as well as the other international auxiliary languages to be discussed in Chapter 2—came before its speech community, was first developed in written form and does not count norm-providing native speakers. Esperanto was made for everyone but does not belong to anyone (i.e. it is not the first language of any ethnic or national group), and no human group feels any immediate need or constraint to speak it. Esperanto is no one's language and, technically, can become anyone's—which does not mean it will well be everyone's in practice. Most importantly, Esperanto became, as many of its supporters argue, 'more than a language', developing a set of cosmopolitan princi- ples, a speech community and a language-based social movement that moves in different directions. Against this background, how can this language yield assemblages and sociabilities and how do these take shape in practice?

1.2 Encounters: On Community, Movement and Mediation

One can travel, play certain games, cultivate hobbies, read literature or enact one's political convictions on one's own. Yet, using a language in all its glory requires both receptive and productive skills, which turns any meaningful engagement with verbal communication into a collec- tive endeavour and establish the speech community as a precondition for fully-fledged language use. However, contrasting with how scholars analysing Esperanto tend to treat the emic concept of Esperanto commu- nity as largely self-evident, it is worth outlining how Esperanto speakers effectively see themselves as part of the same relational assemblage.

Thinking of community as a social configuration whose members have something in common, the most striking feature Esperantists share is the language. Such as in speech communities (Duranti 1997), members of the Esperanto community share certain linguistic norms and resources that enable them to communicate among themselves in spoken and written forms, recognise one's level of fluency, refer to comparable sets of books and media and tentatively guess one's mother tongue based

on one's way of speaking Esperanto. Yet, for not being geographi- cally bounded, the Esperanto community has a feeble materiality and a transient character (Mortensen 2017). Bringing it into being involves 'work[ing] on some form of shared activity which will often be the reason why the social configuration was formed in the first place' (Mortensen

2017: 274).

Such labour involved in building community, then, gains currency. Analogous to the communities of practice (Wenger 1998; Eckert 2006; Gobbo 2021) that members of bowling teams, book clubs and church congregations bring into being through meeting and devoting time together to their shared interests, the Esperanto community relies on assumedly shared cosmopolitan orientations and on episodes of chatting, meeting and travelling to take shape. To these recursive practices (Kelty 2008) that help overcome the geographical dispersion of Esperantists, another paramount feature should be added: the shared history, litera- ture and symbols that help sustain this community (Anderson 2006). As I analyse in detail in the chapters to come, these elements and prac- tices constitute Esperantists as a community—however idiosyncratic it may be (Stria 2015), in both socio-anthropological and linguistic terms. Combining the community of practice, speech community and imagined community approaches yields a thicker analysis of community-building in conjunction with language use, making for considerations of how language variation plays out in spoken and written forms according to speakers' mother tongue, age, allegiance to specific Esperanto associations and use of diverse communication technologies.

Having clarified these analytical concepts, it is worth considering the emic categories Esperantujo and Esperantio—which I analyse etymo- logically in Chapter 2—used by Esperanto speakers to refer to their community. Mobilising the categories Esperantujo and Esperantio entails referring to the language as the element that triggers people's desire to gather as a community, but also to the sets of cosmopolitan principles and sociabilities normally expected to be displayed by the ideal-typical Esperantist. These include a language ideology that values alternative and more egalitarian forms of international communication; openness to the world; and kindness and hospitality deriving from an enhanced drive to meet and welcome people from different national, linguistic and cultural

backgrounds. Through joining Esperantujo, Esperantists are expected to express these stereotypical and romanticised traits, thus partially turning national, linguistic and cultural Others into peers, fellow members of a community that is inclusive and diverse by definition.

At this point, another previously used term demands explanation: Esperantist. If those who speak French or Portuguese are French or Portuguese speakers, why say Esperantist rather than Esperanto speaker? The suffix -ist in words such as Africanist, communist or journalist denotes a field of expertise, political conviction or occupation. In Esper- antist, in turn, the suffix is used to establish a difference in meaning between Esperanto-parolanto (Esperanto speaker) and esperantisto (Esper- antist).

The term esperantisto was first formalised in the fifth paragraph of the Declaration of Boulogne, issued at the First Universal Congress of Esperanto, in Boulogne-sur-Mer, in 1905:

An Esperantist is a person who knows and uses the Esperanto language with complete exactness, for whatever aim he uses it for. Membership in an active Esperantist social circle or organisation is recommended for all Esperantists, but is not obligatory. (Zamenhof in Boulet 1905; English translation retrieved from Forster 1982: 90)

Despite this definition, in Esperanto, esperantisto is ordinarily used as an umbrella term to refer to both Esperanto speakers and Esperan- tists. Among my French-speaking research participants, however, such a distinction was more commonly drawn, in French, between esperan- tophone and esperantiste, following from the use of the suffix -phone in words such as francophone or anglophone. Building on these emic concepts, throughout this book I use Esperanto speaker to characterise those who are learning or who can speak Esperanto, regardless of fluency, but who do not use it regularly nor claim to participate in the Esperanto community. By Esperantist, in turn, I designate those who speak the language regularly, join Esperanto associations and the movement as activists, volunteers and members, and/or participate in the community. The more one uses the language and becomes involved with Esperantujo, the more one is seen as an aktiva esperantisto (active Esperantist).

This leads to a reflection on the Esperanto-movado, the Esperanto movement, through which the language is conveyed as a proposed solu- tion to a certain situation of strain (Forster 1982: 5—7). This movement is made up of Esperantists who are committed to promoting and/or contin- uously using the language, which transforms Esperanto into a cause to be advanced. Just as is the case with minority languages—as Jacqueline Urla (1988: 382—385; 1993) discusses in the case of Basque—what matters for the liveliness of a speech community, more than the skills and ability to use the language, is the effective and constant use of the language by its already existing speakers. In this sense, the Esperanto movement seeks to transform non esperantophones into esperantophones, the latter into esperantistes and esperantistoj into aktivaj esperantistoj.

Promoting Esperanto without imposing it places Esperantujo politi- cally in relation to the fight against linguistic discrimination and for more egalitarian international communication. Even though the Esperanto community and movement feed each other through a feedback loop, the key difference between them lies in the fact that the movement, as ethnographically defined, is more institutionalised and goal-oriented. It draws on membership in Esperanto associations and on promoting the language (at stalls at events, for instance) and spreading the word about it, which is not something that every member of the community would be inclined to do.

An ideal-typical Esperantist learns this international auxiliary language because they want to establish communicative exchanges with people from different national, linguistic and cultural backgrounds in an alter- native way, without resorting to anyone's mother tongues. Accordingly, if a Brazilian and an Italian communicate in English, English works for them as a neutral language, as it is neither of their mother tongues. Yet, when an Englishman joins the conversation, English is no longer neutral territory, as one of the participants has an advantage over others, feeling at home in their linguistic comfort zone. Since Esperanto is no one's mother tongue, potentially everyone who speaks it has to learn it as a second language. By softening the links between language native- ness, proficiency and power, Esperanto is meant to help levelling out the uneven playing field of international communication. Moreover, when a native speaker of Portuguese learns French, they do not acquire the same status as a native speaker of French, as French is someone else's language, not theirs. By contrast, anyone can potentially achieve the status of Esperantist, as well as join and withdraw from Esperantujo at any time.

Nonetheless, as my interlocutors in France frequently stressed, there is no point in speaking an international auxiliary language in one's home country or neighbourhood, in which one could as well be using one's mother tongue. Hence, travelling and communicating beyond borders become imperative. In effect, Esperantos very raison d'etre lies in its unboundedness and internationality, which are made concrete through the creation of contexts where the language can be meaning- fully mobilised, such as Esperanto congresses, music festivals and online groups.

In international settings, Esperanto is used as a pivot language (Gazzola 2006: 414—415) to mediate between people who speak different mother tongues and who would otherwise be unable to communi- cate. This brings us to the language's foundational role of mediation. One could argue that any language can be a mediator, which is true. Yet, Esperanto is embedded in sets of cosmopolitan principles that place mediation at the core of its intended use, rendering this language effective not only to overcome language barriers, but also to preclude discrimination, nationalisms and xenophobia.

The category mediation is often thought of in terms of tension management and conflict resolution. In cases of child custody disputes, peace-keeping and civil wars, a mediator is a third party who facili- tates interactions between two or more disputants, while also letting the disputants themselves reach an agreement or define the outcomes of the negotiation (Wall and Dunne 2012: 217—221). Such conceptualisa- tion of mediation goes beyond Western settings: Edward Evans-Pritchard (1940: 162—177) also used this term to describe the role of the leopard- skin chief and the elders in settling disputes among the Nuer in early twentieth-century Sudan. Leopard-skin chiefs were considered particu- larly prestigious as conflict mediators because of their religious powers, and their not belonging to the system of dominant lineages made them more suitable to facilitate interactions between the parties in conflict.

Another use of mediation is recurrent in media anthropology. As Dominic Boyer (2012) argues, mediation is the modus operandi of communicational media such as print, television, radio and the Internet, which places media anthropology as the study of anything that media- tes—language included. Along these lines, in the case of Esperanto, mediation often takes the shape of bridging—which is the category that Esperantists evoke when referring to Esperanto as a ponta lingvo (bridge language). To bridge between people with different mother tongues through an international auxiliary language; between people of different nationalities through a cosmopolitan outlook that connects them through their differences. From persons to peoples and from languages to nationalities, Esperanto was conceived of as a mediator to both enable communication—like any other language—and promote meeting points, settings in which people from different backgrounds would feel equally at home. Bridging worlds through words, then, appears as key in Esperantos existence since at least the Third Universal Congress of Esperanto, in Cambridge, in 1907, when Zamenhof's opening speech (1929: 378) pointed out that Esperanto was not meant to interfere in peoples' internal dynamics, but rather to create 'bridges of words' (Schor 2016) to connect peoples with one another.

Thinking through such a concept—and partly in line with Bruno Latour's (2005) distinction between intermediaries and mediators— yields an outlook on languages not as simple codes carrying messages, but as mediators that also have the power to transform, distort and modify the messages they carry. This calls for a consideration of how communication in Esperanto is widely rooted in translation (Burghelea 2018): everything has to be translated from Esperantists' mother tongues and working languages into Esperanto as a precondition for this speech community to come into fully-fledged existence.

Given the mediating role of the Esperanto language and calling into question Latour's suggestion (1996, 2005) of keeping the social flat, there are specific settings and communication technologies playing ancillary mediating roles, in a hierarchy of levels. Taking into account also what is beyond and behind this language enables us to consider the existence of hubs or major nodes in these networks—such as Esperanto associations, international gatherings and Facebook groups. As ancillary mediators, these settings and technologies enable Esperanto to work as the major mediator that connects people, places and things. Flattening Esperan- tujo—along the lines of Latour's approach—would mean losing sight of these dimensions.

As the making of a speech community comprises primarily instances of communication and mediation, it remains to be considered what is communicated—and, occasionally, miscommunicated—in Esperanto.

1.3 Navigating the Field

Just like human beings babble before they begin to utter recognisable words, anthropologists ask basic questions before gaining a deeper under- standing of the muddy terrain into which they are about to step. The same happened to me in my first encounter with Esperanto, in 2008. When a friend—who could speak the language fluently—donated part of her collection of Esperanto books to me, I thought I could try learning the language, at least enough to be able to read those books. The following year, I enrolled on a free language course at an Esperanto association next to my university campus. After a year spending two hours per week in a tiny and permanently hot office in downtown Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, and having come across around thirty people who were also learning and practising the language, what grabbed my attention was not the grammar, vocabulary or pronunciation. Rather, it was the way people engaged with Esperanto. For most of them, Esperanto was more than a language: it formed a community, of which we were part, and a movement. In becoming familiar with Esperanto grammar and vocabulary—with words like samideano, Homaranismo and Finvenkismo, which I discuss in later chapters—I learned that engaging with Esperanto could mean going beyond the mere process of learning a language. My early interest began to take the form of initial research questions. Why would someone study an international language only to speak it among people who share the same mother tongue? What is the point of learning a language that not many people speak?

Just like the 'archaic societies' studied by Pierre Clastres, Esper- antists are sometimes 'classed negatively, under the heading of lack' (Clastres 1989: 190): a speech community without many speakers, formed around a language that is not necessary for any communica- tive purpose, not officially adopted or widely spoken anywhere, with no history, and intrinsically attached to no nation, culture or people. This view that emphasises absences and deems Esperanto a minor endeavour may be commonplace among those who do not sympathise with the language, but is hardly shared by Esperantists. Proposing a shift of atten- tion from what Esperanto lacks to what it features, I began analysing how Esperantists reconcile their enthusiasm for the language with some non-Esperantists' scepticism about it: after all, what if the Esperanto movement does not manage to recruit new speakers and fails to secure the endurance of its community? What if those Esperantists I met in Rio de Janeiro decide that they no longer want to study and use Esperanto? What is at risk of being lost if the language dies out?

I was not the first researcher attempting to understand these issues. Aside from the significant scholarly bibliography on Esperanto linguis- tics and literature, Esperanto counts at least five major sociological and historical monographs analysing its community and movement. Based on archival research and statistical surveys, the reference work of Peter Forster (1982) looks at the composition of the Esperanto speech community worldwide, and particularly in the United Kingdom, in the 1960s—1970s, analysing it in terms of social class, gender, political orien- tation and occupation. On an issue rather recurrent in my own study, Forster also examines how Esperanto speakers are sometimes regarded by the wider society as cranks. Nikola Rasic (1994), in turn, approaches the spread of Esperanto in European countries through statistical data collected by Esperanto associations and himself in a primarily descriptive monograph. With limited analytical and theoretical input, RasiCs work is concerned mostly with the motivations for people to learn the language, which led him to explore how Esperantists associate the ideals behind the language with other political and religious convictions. Of note here are his considerations on how Esperantujo is numerically constituted by two predominant age groups: young students and old age pensioners.

Productively combining history and sociology, Roberto Garvfa (2015) explains how international language construction gained momentum in the northern hemisphere at the turn of the twentieth century, further investigating how Esperanto failed to become the world's lingua franca. Conversely, through a comprehensive historical account of the place of Esperanto in twentieth-century Europe, Ulrich Lins (2016, 2017) portrays how the language was alternatively associated with Jews, intel- lectuals, petty-bourgeois and communists. Once embraced by the Soviet Union as an advocate for the internationalisation of communism and later regarded as an enemy of the Soviet state, Esperanto figures in Lins' analysis as a 'dangerous language', with its speakers being persecuted by totalitarian regimes on the European continent. Finally, Esther Schor (2016) blends historical data and empirical work to draw a picture of her seven-year experience in the speech community, sketching an outline of Esperantujo based on a series of short-term field visits in which she met different groups of interlocutors.

Contrasting with how these previous works either consider the present-day speech community as a token to understand the language's past or mobilise quantitative data to produce a generalising and abstract picture of the community, this book proposes a closer look towards the particularities of and subjectivities in the Esperanto community and movement, exploring how language politics effectively becomes a point of departure for community-building. In this sense, this book addresses two aspects of this analytical gap concerning time and space. Regarding time, I propose a study of its present-day speakers, situated in time but not determined by the past. Concentrating on the present through ethnography also means establishing a continuous dialogue with past and future, using participant observation to reach out to how narra- tives about Esperantos past (as presented in advertising leaflets, historical accounts and lived experiences with the language) and prospects for its future (as in future-oriented activists' practices) play out in the language's present. Rather than historical analysis, this constitutes a generational approach, showing how diverse forms of language poli- tics, community-building and use of communication technologies take place simultaneously among different generations that share the same present-day lifetime.[7]

Regarding space, concentrating the bulk of my empirical work in France enabled me to go beyond the scope of Esperanto and grasp how its speakers situate the language within other aspects of their ordinary lives. For this, I combined long-term participant observation (online and face-to-face) with archival research and semi-structured interviews. In addition, I constantly discussed my findings with my research partici- pants, taking them on board as co-producers of knowledge. The method- ological features that characterise this analysis are typical of ethnog- raphy—which is precisely what had not been foregrounded by previous research and which characterises this as the first long-term study of the Esperanto community and movement drawing on participant observa- tion. Following Joshua Fishmans (1965) call for the analysis oflanguage use in multilingual settings and Monica Heller's (2011) considerations on languages and (inter)nationalism, I employ ethnography to under- stand which languages (in this case, particularly French and Esperanto) are used on which occasions to say what, thus analysing why Esperanto seems to be rather commonly used to discuss political matters and the language itself.

1.4 Researching in La Republique

The decision to carry out the major component of my fieldwork in France was stirred primarily by how France historically stood out as a beacon for Esperanto since the early decades of the language. In that country, Esperanto managed to attract the interest of people from various backgrounds, social classes, education levels, occupations and, what is more, political convictions. As I explore further in Chapter 2, France is particularly well known among Esperantists for hosting intriguing politically-oriented collaborations and controversies. These arose as both French-based petty-bourgeois and left-wing activists embraced the language in the early twentieth century—eventually arguing over which political orientation would be associated with the cosmopolitan princi- ples behind Esperanto. Vestiges of these long-standing issues remain to date, as Esperanto associations, discussions and use of media frequently revolve around the segmentation between the 'neutral' and 'left-wing' strands of the movement.

In addition, France provides us with a fascinating terrain when it comes to linguistic diversity, as languages take centre stage in how the local, the national and the global are connected and enacted in the country. Regional languages such as Basque, Occitan, Breton and Corsican are the driving force behind French regionalisms, where the support for such languages entails the defence of regional traditions and practices (see Marcellesi 1975; McDonald 1989). Since the sixteenth century, but notably during the Third Republic—from 1870 to 1940, when French nationalism and La Republique were consolidated—the preservation of regional languages and traditions was discouraged, as a consequence of the French governments heavy investments in homo- geneising language policies. Emphasising French monolingualism in order to forge a national unity (Escude 2013), such policies were in accordance with the putative integrative potential of the French language, in a discourse advancing that the national language would also help integrate immigrants in French territory (Grillo 1985).

The 1960s saw a rise of regionalisms in France, with increasing ties between regional language activism and regionalist political movements. Just as Frenchness was largely delimited by a linguistic component, regionalist movements also placed language at the core of claims for recognition of a distinct 'Corsican people' (Jaffe 1996: 817—819; 1999) or 'Breton people':

You may learn Breton dances (in a Cercle celtique) or blow up the palace of Versailles (like the FLB [Breton Liberation Front]) and call yourself part of the Breton movement; you will not always be taken seriously, however, by those who now dominate the movement, if you do not speak, or at least seriously aspire to speak, Breton. (McDonald 1989: 87)

This grammar of identity affirmation and recognition gained ground in the late twentieth century, becoming manifest through bilingual signs (French/regional language) for town names and through more governmental provisions for regional language teaching in public schools (Candea 2010, 2011: 309).

The same centrality of language applies on the global scale, particularly regarding France's colonial and post-colonial areas of immediate influ- ence. Whereas the British colonial project was founded upon the political and economic axis constituting the Commonwealth, French imperialism relied more heavily on forging cultural and linguistic ties with France's colonies, which culminated in the establishment of the Francophonie. These cultural and linguistic links have remained central to the relations that France maintained with its former colonies:

The cultural and utopic fraternity enshrined, in the moment of the decolonisation, in the notion of 'Francophonie' is, therefore, directly linked to the conception of the universal qualities of the values and political ideals of the French Republic, conveyed by its language. (Baneth- Nouailhetas 2010: 77)

If languages can set peoples apart—as when regional languages challenge the French national unity—they can also bring peoples together—as with the Francophonie. In several ways, languages play a crucial role in how French political institutions equate cultural diversity with linguistic diversity and how French society engages with diverse forms of language activism.

Unsurprisingly, Esperanto also finds its place within these dynamics. In Bretagne, Breton speakers are among the most active Esperantists, drawing connections between activism for a regional language and for an international language—while bracketing French, the national language. A similar scenario can be found in the south of France, notably in Occitanie, where many come across Esperanto through activism for the Occitan language. This region is also prominent for its proximity with the Spanish border, which has historically provided for significant soli- darity among Occitan-speaking and Catalan-speaking Esperantists who work together in and through Esperanto to build collaboration between their regional language activism (Botella 1996). Just as such activists argue that the historical dominance of French has hindered the regular use of their regional languages, Esperantists in the French capital raise the issue of the imposition of English on French, perceived through the growing borrowing of vocabulary from English, the increasing offer of English-medium courses at French universities and the use of English in speeches of French politicians in the multilingual European Parlia- ment. Using the political frameworks of the French state and the European Union as platforms, these arguments assume that English is not an international language, but a national language transposed to the global level. Accordingly, supporting the use of Esperanto in interna- tional settings would constitute a step towards the defence of French in the national scenario. Going beyond human languages, as I explore in Chapter 7, Paris-based Esperantists also link Esperanto with computer programming languages through the lens of collaborative coding and free speech.

In this respect, France provides a setting in which my research questions resonate with national debates on politics and languages, estab- lishing a fruitful environment for both Esperanto and this study. Looking at how Esperantists understand the potentialities and contingencies surrounding their language and community, my first set of questions considers how to make sense of this language's learning process. After all, once one learns Esperanto, how does one find or create contexts in which to speak it? How does this language act as a mediator and what kind of information does it primarily convey? From these initial ques- tions, I move to the discourses and practices sustaining the language: to what extent can Esperanto be a gateway to engagements with other polit- ical stances? How does the language ideology behind Esperanto posit cosmopolitan openness and more egalitarian communication—if such features can be attached to a language at all? Meanwhile, two questions related to the endurance of the Esperanto community run through this book: how can Esperantujo be rendered stable if people's allegiance to it is utterly voluntary and barely instrumental? And how do the Internet and digital media influence the dynamics of and the shapes taken by this community? These are among the issues that will be explored in the pages to follow.

1.5 JourneyLog

In perusing these chapters, the readers and I move from the theoret- ical problems of a language's political orientation and a community's endurance to their ethnographic solutions. While the present chapter sets the scene in which a language so singular can be like any other language, the second chapter introduces the discourse that, developed over history, grounds Esperanto. It does so not by outlining an unproblematic histor- ical account aimed at contextualising the reader, but rather, by showing how the history of Esperanto—as presented in advertising leaflets, world maps and individual narratives—is made eventful and linear, conveying certain perceptions of progress in which the recollections and expecta- tions of present-day Esperantists dwell.

Analysing the preparations for the 2017 Universal Congress of Esperanto, the third chapter counts the help of anthropological theo- rieson mobility, multi-sitedness and arbitrary locations to explore a productive overlap: on the one hand, my methodological concerns of drawing Esperantist networks and, on the other hand, my interlocu- tors' constant attempts to make such networks proliferate. Folding back into the previous chapter, this discussion shows how performing the labour required to keep this dispersed community alive through short-lived gatherings is perceived as making justice to Esperantos history. Chapter 4, in turn, delves into the abovementioned Universal Congress to explore how Esperantists from various national, linguistic and cultural backgrounds gather and do what they do best: materialise the cosmopolitan sets of principles behind the language. As cosmopoli- tanism emerges here as sets of discourses and practices around nation- alism, non-nationalism and internationalism, I analyse how the existence of Esperantujo dwells on the recognition of alterity as national otherness and on the irreducibility of certain forms of diversity.

The fifth chapter begins with a debate, taking place in an Esperanto association in Paris, over which word to use to refer to a technological device not yet named in Esperanto. As I unpack the terms of this debate, the language ideology that posits Esperanto as fairer, inclusive and more egalitarian takes shape through attempts to (re)politicise communica- tion and depict Esperanto as a collaborative language permanently under construction. Chapter 6, in turn, explores other dynamics taking place in the same Paris-based association, namely the joint engagement of association members with Esperanto and grassroots left-wing politics. Looking at how the connections between the language and certain polit- ical stances seem to have lost momentum along the twentieth century, this chapter analyses how these Esperantists try and reconcile discourses of Esperanto as something of the past and as something oriented towards the future—a future that at times seems out of reach. In dialogue with anthropological works on temporal reasonings, social movements and hopes for the future, I show how, rather than trying to turn Esperanto into the de facto global language, these Esperantists' aims are concrete and involve preserving the ritualised collective behaviour of meeting, being together and drinking wine while debating progressive political perspectives in Esperanto.

In Chapter 7, we move away from the associative milieu to consider how the Internet has reshaped language learning, community-building and political activism. Faced with how the first natively digital genera- tions of Esperantists learn the language online, communicate primarily through text and use GPS devices to arrange meetings, I ask: what is left unsaid when a speech community largely moves from an institu- tionalised, face-to-face configuration to online spaces? I approach this question by exploring the present-oriented features of digital media and the shapes taken by online activism for both collaborative human languages and computer programming languages.

Chapter 8 focuses on individual Esperantists and their present-day practices, unpacking what the language means to its speakers and how they render it useful through practices involving more egalitarian inter- national communication, horizontal knowledge exchange and alternative travelling. This chapter explores what Esperanto and anthropology have to offer one another by inviting us to think about what anthropology gains and what it loses in emphasising discussions on prefiguration, as well as what Esperantujo gains and loses with these present-oriented, prefigurative approaches carried out by Esperantists. Highlighting prefig- urative politics, I argue that, ultimately, the Esperanto movement is only sustainable insofar as the language does not become a de facto global language. Esperanto's wide adoption would turn it into a hegemonic language like any other, and such 'success' of the Esperanto movement would mean the failure of the Esperanto language.

Finally, in drawing to a close—but, above all, not to conclude— Chapter 9 returns to the impermanence of Esperantujo, arguing that instability and ephemerality, rather than flaws, are constitutive elements of this community, without which Esperanto would not be as meaningful to its speakers.

Taking Esperanto as its point of departure and analytical focus, this book ends up not being entirely about Esperanto. Outlining certain narratives about this language's history entails exploring given aspects of European history while scrutinising the Western linear time model and its ethnographic unfoldings. Likewise, producing an ethnographic account of an international congress comprises stretching the bound- aries of the national/international and the fellow/other binarisms which animate anthropology since its early days. Similarly, talking about the dynamics of a left-wing Esperanto association in Paris means digging into the development of political activism in France, and investigating ever-changing languages and uses of communication technologies means regarding speech communities as anything but stable collectives. As we wander through the thickness of these relational assemblages, theoret- ical problems appear preposterously small when faced with the several ethnographic solutions given away by my research participants. At the end of the day, this book is about language politics, community- building, cosmopolitanism, France, political activism and digital media from the perspective of Esperanto speakers—and about the instability and ephemerality that characterise the connections between them all.

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2

And the Word Was Made Flesh, or How to Narrate Histories

Paris, late September 2016. The meeting room at the headquarters of the association Esperanto-France, on the ground floor of a building one block away from Place de la Bastille, had been entirely rearranged to host the activity to take place at 7 p.m. The large wooden table used for debates and conversation classes, usually placed in the middle of the room, had been folded and put aside, making room for a classroom-like setup. Black chairs lined up in two rows before a whiteboard were sided with a noisy fan—which, added to the sounds coming from the streets through the open windows, turned the room into a chaotic assemblage of noises where conversations could barely be heard. However noisy, the room was relatively fresh despite that warm evening.

That Monday, the 26th of September, was the European Day of Languages, handpicked by the association to organise its open day and to introduce potential learners to Esperanto. In her late seventies, Colette was the person who always volunteered to present the language on these occasions. This time, however, Thomas—an Economics undergraduate student and member of Esperanto-France—offered to do so. Colette promptly accepted with enthusiasm, hoping that his youthful style would imprint a more dynamic image to Esperanto. She, however, was also

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there, together with three members of the associations committee, both to ensure things would go as planned and to show visitors how lively and busy the association was.

While Thomas set up the projector, Colette, in the pedagogical tone of a retired schoolteacher, recalled, in French, the day she became disap- pointed with another committee member, who insisted that open days should revolve around an hour-long crash language course, rather than an introduction to the history of Esperanto: 'history is what matters the most', she stressed. While Thomas, other association members and I listened to her and nodded, two visitors arrived.

On entering the association and crossing the small bookshop on the entrance hall, the first thing to call anyone's attention in the meeting room is a large world map, hung on the wall opposite the entrance. With each country coloured in a rather bright colour, this map was a reason of pride to the association. Whenever a foreign Esperantist visited Esperanto-France, they were asked to place a pin on their home country on the map, which, after about five years of use, resulted in a detailed cartographic account of Esperantists who visited Paris. On the wall to the right, by the side of the whiteboard, an A4 black-and-white drawing showed five children holding hands in a circle, each children displaying a different ethnic background and wearing stereotypical clothes making reference to African, Asian and European traditions. The drawing also depicted a shining star—representing Esperanto—illuminating the chil- dren, sided by the sentence, in French, 'Grace a l'Esperanto nous nous comprenons' (Thanks to Esperanto, we understand each other). Despite the rich imagery of the drawing, it barely competed for attention with the colourful map.

As the visitors opened the door, Denis, a 60-year-old public servant who lived nearby and regularly volunteered at the association, turned to the visitors to greet them—in Esperanto, then in French, to show 'how easy Esperanto was'—and to give them the associations adver- tising leaflet. The front page of the folded leaflet showed a terrestrial globe placed under the logo of the association, followed by the motto 'Esperanto langue equitable' (Esperanto, fair language). Once unfolded, the second page of the leaflet promptly stated that Esperanto is easier to learn than the 'langues dominantes' (dominant languages), that it gives its speakers access to a network of contacts in more than one hundred countries and that, for promoting more egalitarian communication, it counts the support of UNESCO. Speaking fast in French, Denis enthu- siastically presented the leaflet to the visitors and invited them to join the presentation about to begin.

Thomas projected the slides from his laptop to the whiteboard, and confidently spoke, in French, about how Esperanto was created in a city in the Russian Empire 'where there were a lot of people speaking different languages, just like Paris nowadays'. Sitting by my side, Colette turned to me upon hearing this and whispered 'what is he saying? We shouldn't have let him present Esperanto. How could he compare nineteenth- century Bialystok with twenty-first-century Paris like that?' I smiled and turned back to see him moving to the next slide and saying: 'ok, so Esperanto was created and, in 1905, the first international Esperanto meeting took place here in France, in Boulogne-sur-Mer. And... where can we find Esperanto nowadays?' Switching from Microsoft PowerPoint to YouTube, he played a video of an Esperanto version of Queen's We will rock you. While most people laughed, Colette's face blushed.

Next, Thomas skipped to phonetics, emphasising that Esperanto has a phonetic alphabet, and immediately started showing vocabulary about animals in Esperanto, without their translation into French, asking the visitors if they could guess to which animals those Esperanto words referred. Colette turned to me again: 'I can't believe he's giving a crash course! We talked about this so many times, and he seemed to have agreed with me... I need your help once this is over. Come after me as soon as I stand up!' After forty minutes, the presentation came to an end, Colette pulled my arm and we approached the visitors. Back to her pedagogical tone, she told them: 'I'm afraid Thomas forgot to tell some important details about the history of Esperanto. After all, why would you learn a language if you don't know what kind of people speak it or why it exists, right? Being easy to learn is not a good enough reason, I would say. Rumour has it that Indonesian is very easy to learn, but this information alone doesn't make me feel like learning Indonesian'. She asked me to intervene, and we told the visitors about Zamenhof's origin, the first letter exchange in Esperanto, the international congresses, the World Wars and the language's current online presence, being inter- rupted only once, when one of the visitors noticed my 'petit accent'—a gentle way in France of acknowledging one's foreignness—and asked me where I was from. As Thomas joined us, Colette turned to him with a serious look and said, in a husky voice: 'You know, Thomas, history is what matters the most'.

In contrasting ways, both Colette's historical approach and the a-historical perspective put forward by Thomas and Esperanto-France's advertising leaflet are manners of sketching what Esperanto is and how it should be known by Esperantists and non-Esperantists alike. From this ethnographic starting point, this chapter maps out some aspects of the mise en discours (Foucault 1976) of Esperanto over history. By retracing the ways in which scholars and Esperantists—and Esperantist scholars—mobilise history, I explore how knowledge about Esperanto comes to dwell on continuous attempts to keep track of its speakers, their gatherings, and the political opportunities and communication technolo- gies that have brought them together over time. Yet, understanding how Esperanto has been, over history, conveyed as timely requires a detour to the battle ofartificial languages (Garvfa 2015), through which the history of constructed languages such as Esperanto becomes inseparable from the history of the technologies, ideas and political agendas in place since at least late nineteenth-century Europe.

2.1 A Long and Winding Road

The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries saw considerable scientific, technical and technological advancement in the West. The decades preceding the First World War were marked by the invention of the telephone—which gradually replaced the telegraph—the devel- opment of electric and diesel locomotives and the flight of the first powered aeroplane, as well as the popularisation of international ship- ping routes and postal services. Combined, all these advancements recast the relationship the Euro-American world had established with time and space, promoting the circulation of people, things, knowledge and information at a pace never seen before. Parallel to this, imperialism expanded European hegemony to the African and Asian continents, reaching its peak in the period between 1875 and 1914 (Hobsbawm 1989). The increase in international travelling and trade caused by the European expansion provided a powerful incentive for the continuous development of communication and transportation technologies that would enable Europeans to more easily and frequently reach other parts of the world. Unsurprisingly, increasing international communication depended on the mediation not only of communication technologies, but also of languages, which brought the issue of linguistic diversity versus universality to the forefront of discussions.

The overarching image of relentless progress boosted by such inven- tions and European expansion features among the elements that retro- spectively characterised the period preceding the First World War as La Belle Epoque. The European upper-middle classes were enjoying a moment of apparent peace and prosperity—partly at the expense of the massive exploitation of resources in the Americas, Africa and Asia. In a context of growing European nationalism and imperialism, having access to news from around the globe almost in real time and being able to communicate and travel across borders also increased people's curiosity about foreign and unfamiliar populations, raising Europeans' awareness of the world as something larger than their own continent. As technology affected how the world conceived of itself, it also shaped perceptions of how the world should be.

The celebration of technological developments, nationalism and people's increasing curiosity towards national, ethnic and cultural diver- sity took centre stage at the Universal Exhibitions. Beginning in London in 1851, Universal Exhibitions came to be held regularly, each time in a different city across the world. These world fairs constituted monumental displays of human progress, civilisation and innovation, and counted national and colonial pavilions demonstrating what each country had to offer the world in terms of culture and technology. As these fairs were laboratories of what the world could be like in the future, their partici- pating countries and corporations competed to show their achievements in the pursuit of progress (Bernal 1965: 631—632; Harvey 1996). In this regard, the technologies displayed in these exhibitions—for instance, the central role played by electricity in the Chicago's exhibition of 1893 or the new metal-based construction techniques epitomised by the Eiffel Tower, purpose-built for the Paris' exhibition of 1889 (Ory 1989)— were expected to be adopted worldwide and, consequently, to become universal.

Since world fairs were meant to advertise not only goods but also ideas (Benedict 1983), these displays also conveyed particular Western values as proxies for modernity and human progress. They also reinforced the essential tensions between a universalistic outlook towards the unity of mankind and a particularistic recognition of the diversity of cultures (De L'Estoile 2003). Ultimately, if progress—relying heavily on the imple- mentation of the abovementioned communication and transportation technologies—involved fostering a more interconnected humankind, in which languages should these international encounters be carried out? When journalists or scientists from different countries lifted the receiver from the telephone hook to exchange news or when businesspeople crossed national borders on speedy diesel trains, in which language would they speak to achieve their communicative purposes? A key acknowl- edgement of this issue came in 1900, with the establishment of the Delegation pour l'adoption d'une langue auxiliaire internationale (Dele- gation for the Adoption of an International Auxiliary Language), an outcome of the Paris Exposition Universelle of 1900 (Couturat et al. 1910; Forster 1982: 113—127). With universal emerging as the catch- word of the time, nations and corporations promoted their cultures and technologies as assets to be universalised, whereas various groups designed languages meant to become universal.

One proposed solution to this perceived communication problem was the international use of a national language. However, as languages such as English and French are foreign to many, their use as lingue franche has historically met with opposition from nationalists and anti-imperialists who refrain from communicating in another people's language (Phillipson 1992; Eco 1995: 333; Li 2003). A second proposed solution encompassed the adoption of a classical, extinct language for the purposes of international communication, with Latin and Ancient Greek being the core candidates. Though being less subject to nationalist-driven prejudices and having vocabularies relatively international within the scope of European languages (Kent 1922), the numerous irregularities and variations of Latin and Ancient Greek in both their written and spoken forms were among the drawbacks that rendered the widespread learning of these languages little sustainable.

Yet, another option arose: what if the prospective international auxil- iary language was not among those already existing but, instead, was a language created specifically for international communication? This brings us to the next stage of this debate: the creation of a new language as a nationalism-free alternative to be universalised.

Despite sounding odd at first, as if it was a hobby for lunatics or eccentrics (Yaguello 1984; Edwards 2013: 365), language creation is an old activity, with hundreds of constructed language projects being docu- mented since at least the seventeenth century (Couturat and Leau 1903, 1907; Eco 1995). Beginning with attempts to reconstruct the original language used by Adam to communicate with God and name things in the Garden of Eden, language creation was later converted into a quest for philosophical languages. These proposed to enable human beings to express their ideas clearly through establishing a perfect correspondence between language, on the one hand, and the world and its elements, on the other hand (Maat 2004).

Nonetheless, among countless projects, the ones that gained the most attention were the international auxiliary languages, set to enable communication among people who did not share the same mother tongue. With the relative popularisation of political, social, commercial and scientific exchanges between people laying grounds for a more prag- matic and utilitarian approach to communication, the late nineteenth century saw the apogee of these projects, which multiplied rapidly across Europe.

As with the philosophical languages, the first international auxiliary languages were created on the basis of logical constructions, detached from already existing vocabulary, to avoid being associated with partic- ular national languages (Couturat and Leau 1903, 1907). The most comprehensive example in this sense, aimed at increasing the capacity for human communication in the broadest way possible, was Solresol, a language created in France, in 1817, and based on musical notes. Its initiator, Jean-Fran^ois Sudre, expected it to be the most universal language, insofar as it could be written, spoken, sung, whistled, played on an instrument, signed (using fingers and toes) and represented by colours—being, therefore, accessible even to blind and deaf people. However, this project did not succeed, due to the limited volume of ideas that could be expressed from a combination of seven musical notes.

Attempting to overcome the difficulties of learning such logically constructed codes, subsequent language creators gave preference to systems blending newly designed elements and features derived from existing languages. The first successful specimen of this kind was Volapuk, created in the German Empire in 1879. During a mystical revelation, the Catholic priest Johann Martin Schleyer envisioned this language as an instrument to foster unity and brotherhood among people (Eco 1995: 319). Its main advantage over previous projects was its partial inspiration on European languages, mainly on English, which led Volapuk to sound somewhat familiar to speakers of European languages. This project received wide support in comparison with its predecessors and is said to have achieved more than one million speakers (Couturat and Leau 1903: 142; Garvfa 2015: 64). Alongside Volapuk clubs, classes and congresses, the language also counted magazines and books being published, as well as proficiency certificates being issued. Volapuk was deemed a successful project, since it demonstrated the feasibility of a constructed language for international communication. Yet, internal conflicts—mainly regarding possible reforms to the language itself— undermined such achievement. During this dispute between groups for and against the reform of Volapuk, both sides were rushed to establish and consolidate a final version of the language due to the development of another project, considered to be a prospective threat to Volapuk: Esperanto.

2.2 Becoming the Universal Language

The fundamentals of Esperanto were established in 1887 by Ludwik Lejzer Zamenhof (alternatively transliterated as Ludwig Lazar Zamenhof), a medical doctor born in Bialystok—at the time a part of the Russian Empire, now in Poland. Like a number of creators of international auxiliary languages, he was mainly driven by the goals of building brotherhood and promoting justice among peoples (Forster 1982: 5; Tonkin 1997: 74). Of Jewish origin, Zamenhof grew up amidst different national groups. Russians, Poles, Germans, Belarusians and Jews coexisted in Bialystok in a state of continuous hostility and suspicion, where divergences in ethnicity, national origin, language and religion prevailed in people's relations with each other (Guerard 1921: 107—108; Korzhenkov 2010: 1; Lins 2016: 3—10). Confronted with these constant clashes, Zamenhof believed that the first obstacle to more harmo- nious relations was the lack of communication between these groups. Hence, the creation of a secular and non-national—therefore, neutral— language aimed at bypassing nationalist rivalries through promoting mutual understanding at the linguistic level. Far from attempting to replace people's mother tongues, such a language proposed to mediate between people by creating an in-between neutral space where intergroup communication could take place.

Zamenhof published the basis of the language under the pseudonym Doktoro Esperanto (Doctor Hopeful) in a booklet in Russian titled Lingvo Internacia, and Esperanto later became the name of the language itself. In this brochure, he included a slip of paper, to be signed and returned to him, in which readers would declare their promptness to learn the language once ten million people had signed up to the same commit- ment. Nevertheless, rather than waiting, numerous readers began to learn it straight away. Collecting the contact details he had received, Zamenhof shortly published an address list with information about a thousand Esperanto learners up to that point, the majority of them based in the Russian Empire (Lins 2016: 11). The disclosure of this address list enabled the pioneering users of the language to establish the first contacts with each other using Esperanto.

Esperanto proliferated quickly in its early days, with the initial booklet being republished and translated from Russian into English, French, German and Polish (Zamenhof 1905). Additionally, the creation of Esperanto clubs and associations in several countries—as well as the regular issue of periodicals and both original and translated literary works—helped the language gain ground also in Western Europe.

Nevertheless, Zamenhof's project soon started to encounter obsta- cles. When Leo Tolstoy declared his support for Esperanto and several

Tolstoyans began to promote their ideas in the language, Russian censor- ship restricted the circulation of the increasingly popular periodical La Esperantisto. Esperanto was no longer seen as a 'hobby of impractical idealists' and became, in the eyes of the Russian Empire, an ally for the advocates for social reform through religion (Lins 2016: 16—17). However, while facing difficulties in Eastern Europe, Esperanto flour- ished in Western Europe, mainly in France: in 1902—1903, 19 Esperanto courses were being taught simultaneously in Paris alone (Couturat and Leau 1903: 329), attracting primarily intellectuals and members of the bourgeoisie. This dislocation of Esperanto from Eastern to Western Europe also propelled changes in the agendas behind the language. Russian Esperantists were highly influenced by the idea of a language that could mediate national conflicts, given the situation of the Russian Empire at the time. By contrast, this argument was not equally sound to the French, who regarded the language as an outcome of the progress of civilisation and as a tool to promote commerce and the supremacy of reason at the global level (De Beaufront 1898; Couturat et al. 1910).

On these grounds, language creation gained prominence in the previ- ously mentioned Paris Exposition Universelle of 1900, when the Delega- tion for the Adoption of an International Auxiliary Language was created with the purpose of choosing and advancing one of the several existing constructed languages. Despite Esperanto being considered the most promising contender, the Delegations final report—issued in 1907— favoured Ido, one of Esperantos offsprings. Nonetheless, Ido did not achieve the growth of Esperanto, soon risking disappear in the oblivion of countless constructed languages.

Whether a peace-promoting project or a bastion of science and business, Esperanto was quickly added to the plethora of late-nineteenth- century inventions with universalist ambitions, struggling for legitima- tion alongside other international auxiliary languages (such as Volapuk, Ido, Novial and Interlingua). Although the Delegation for the Adoption of an International Auxiliary Language wound up its activities in 1907, other institutions took up the role of debating international communi- cation. These included a special commission (created in 1922) within the League of Nations to discuss the introduction of an international language in school curricula (Nitobe 1998) and the USA-based Interna- tional Auxiliary Language Association, established in 1924 (Gama 2015: 144-152).

In the context of major technological advancements and cross-cultural curiosity, the progress showcased at the Universal Exhibitions was meant to symbolise the future of the West. Such an internationalist, imperialist and technological image of civilisation would take charge of universal- ising Western views of progress, which included expanding the use of languages like Esperanto worldwide, as a lingua franca for the world. With this, the perception of Esperanto as a would-be universal language was born, and its image as a project with universalist ambitions was coined. This image persists to date, as the Oxford English Dictionary (2020) illustrates by defining Esperanto as 'an artificial language invented for universal use'.

2.3 To the Right and to the Left, Between Ups and Downs

In 1904, the first international gathering of Esperantists was held in Dover and Calais, culminating in moments of great emotionalism and excitement as French and British Esperantists crossed the English Channel to meet and use the language. In the following year, the success of this pioneer gathering was surpassed, with such meetings becoming institutionalised as the first Universal Congress of Esperanto took place in Boulogne-sur-Mer. Attended by 688 participants coming from different countries, it started with several Esperantists travelling together by train from Paris to Boulogne-sur-Mer and already using the language during the trip (Forster 1982). In an unprecedented manner, settings were established where Esperantists experienced the language full-time, on a large scale, to speak about anything during the duration of the congress. Ultimately, this occasion resulted in enthusiastic reviews taking over the pages of Esperanto periodicals from across the world, spreading the word about the success and efficacy of the language in news articles that were later translated into other languages, also gaining the non-Esperantist media.

One of the core outcomes of the 1905 Universal Congress of Esperanto was the approval of the Declaration on the Essence of Esper- antism, also known as Declaration of Boulogne—the first document to define the aims and priorities of the developing Esperanto movement. Endorsed by Zamenhof, this declaration outlined Esperantism as the promotion of a language founded upon principles that were 'neŭtrale homa' (neutrally human) (Zamenhof 1929 [1906]: 324). In practice, this meant that those who wanted to use Esperanto to discuss religion or political matters were allowed to organise themselves around their shared interests as long as they did not associate the language with particular religions or political stances. This approach to neutrality was a way to welcome everyone to Esperanto, irrespective of the viewpoints held by each of its speakers and supporters.

Despite efforts to emphasise Esperanto's utility and downplay any ideological stance attached to it, people increasingly used the language to advance their social, political and religious viewpoints. Zamenhof himself considered the language as just a part of his efforts to bring humankind together through Homaranismo, his philosophically pure 'religion of humanity' (Couturat and Leau 1907: 40; Lins 2016: 25— 28). Although Esperantists attending the second Universal Congress of Esperanto, in Geneva, in 1906, broadly rejected the association of the language with Homaranismo, Zamenhof insisted on supporting what he called Esperantos interna ideo (inner idea). A softened form of Homaranismo, the interna ideo placed fraternity, equality and justice at the core of Esperantos raison d'etre, with the language being reaffirmed not as an end in itself, but as a means to reach fairer communication and more egalitarian human relations.

During the first half of the twentieth century, Esperanto went through a period of institutionalisation, spread and diversification, as well as opposition. Following Zamenhof's plea to give up his owner- ship of the language on behalf of its growing speech community, some institutions were established, notably the Lingva Komitato (Language Committee, aimed at stewarding the evolution of the language) and the Kongresa Komitato (Congress Committee, responsible for organising the annual Esperanto congresses). In 1906, Hippolyte Sebert founded the Esperantista Centra Oficejo (Esperantist Central Office) in Paris, bringing these two committees together under one administrative struc- ture. In 1908, Hector Hodler founded the Universala Esperanto-Asocio (Universal Esperanto Association, henceforth UEA) in Geneva. With UEA, Hodler aimed to provide services and support for Esperantists, as well as to set the grounds for the establishment of a more practical form of internationalism: Hodler's speeches and writings encouraged Esper- antists to make concrete efforts towards the improvement of human relations around them, rather than merely speaking abstractly about brotherhood among peoples (Lins 2016: 33). This combination of idealism and practice led UEA to reach 7,000 paying members in 1914. Following the death of Zamenhof, in 1917, this association came to be regarded as the new leadership for the movement.

With the outbreak of the First World War, the Universal Congresses had to be suspended for several years and, because freedom of circula- tion was compromised in many places, other Esperanto meetings became more sporadic. Against this background, UEA took advantage of the neutrality of Switzerland (where its headquarters were located—before the association moved to London and, subsequently, to Rotterdam) to help those in need by delivering food, clothing and medical supplies and by forwarding family correspondence. Anyone facing difficulties to exchange letters directly due to the blockages of correspondence coming from hostile countries could send their letters to UEA. The association would then forward these letters to the addressee, as well as provide trans- lation from one language to another if needed (Forster 1982: 159; Lins 2016: 49). This service was widely announced in the non-Esperantist media, spreading the word about Esperanto while helping people who otherwise would be unable to communicate.

The First World War brought about further changes: the linear percep- tion of progress and modernity largely held during La Belle Epoque and epitomised by the Universal Exhibitions collapsed. Relatedly, the universalist rationale underpinning Europe's perception of progress lost momentum. These changing circumstances were followed by the estab- lishment of significant links between Esperanto and political stances. Closely bound to the war, there was an increase in the use of Esperanto by the working classes, anarchists, communists and pacifists—in sum, by those who were against both the war and the nationalist issues that prompted it. To gather the rising number of left-wing Esperan- tists, Eugene Lanti[8] founded, in 1921, the Sennacieca Asocio Tutmonda (World Non-National Esperanto Association, hereafter SAT), headquar- tered in Leipzig and, later, in Paris. Lanti also launched his manifesto For la Neŭtralismon! (Down with Neutralism!) (Lanti 1922) as a response to UEA's neutrality. He identified the broader Esperanto movement as bourgeois and argued for an international forum in which like-minded proletarians and laypeople could regard Esperanto not as a cause to be advanced in its own right, but as a tool for people to communicate their political convictions, exchange ideas and hold debates. In this sense, the creation of SAT reinforced a partition between the hitherto neutral Esperanto movement and the emerging left-wing, workers' Esperanto movement, leading to a schism along class lines (Markov 1999; Lins 2016: 64).

The politically engaged, internationalist use of Esperanto during the period of the World Wars partly hindered the expansion of the language. In interwar Germany, a nationalist wave arose among Esperantists, with some using the language to promote German nationalist values beyond German borders. At the same time, still in Germany, the Nazi regime started to regard the internationalist and pacifist values often associ- ated with Esperanto as a threat to National Socialism and patriotism.[9]The hostility against Esperanto—which had started with attempts to suppress the left-wing, workers' Esperanto movement and the political activities of some Esperantists—soon affected also the neutral Esperanto movement as the language became increasingly associated with anti- fascists and revolutionaries and considered as a means for spreading 'dangerous' ideas.[10] The Third Reich monitored Esperantists closely and shut down numerous Esperanto associations and clubs. Meanwhile, in 1925 Estonia, a number of workers' Esperanto groups were prevented from beginning their operations due to the incarceration of most of their members, and people in Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary, Italy, Lithuania, Latvia and Poland were forbidden to receive publications from SAT (Lins 2016: Part II). Primarily a persecution of left-leaning Esperantists, the situation developed into general hostility against Esperanto's very right to exist.

In the meantime, in Esperanto's cradle, the language was faring any better. Following the 1917 Revolution, the language became conveyed in Eastern Europe as a tool to bring the worldwide proletariat together, helping in the creation of a proletarian international culture. However, the late Lenin government interrupted the support that Esperanto had begun to receive by placing a stronger emphasis on proletarians being brought together on political and economic grounds. Lenin backed local ethnic, cultural and linguistic diversity and fought illiteracy in the Soviet Union, but the creation of an international proletarian culture through an international language was not among his administration's priorities. Later, the Stalin government directed the Soviet Union to a Western-driven model of nation-state. This was pursued through efforts to consolidate Russian as the national language, which marginalised not only Esperanto, but also minority languages spoken in Soviet territory

(Lins 2016, 2017).

While Esperanto faced political hostility, a major opportunity for its official recognition by an international body appeared with the creation of the League of Nations in 1920 and its replacement with the United Nations in 1945. Acting as an international pressure group, UEA circu- lated a petition urging the UN to endorse and encourage the spread and use of Esperanto. During the 1954 UNESCO General Conference, Ivo Lapenna (then president of UEA) presented a detailed report, alongside the petition, stating the commonalities between this association's efforts and UNESCO's mission. In response, UNESCO put forward a resolu- tion in favour of Esperanto, awarding UEA the status of an organisation in consultative relations with the UN and UNESCO (Forster 1982: 242—248). This status was significant in shaping the new directions followed by UEA, with human rights becoming one of the key features in the associations agenda. In doing so, UEA redefined its conception of neutrality: in trying to distance itself from an image of passivity, the promotion of Esperanto would become closely linked to the defence of human rights, especially in its linguistic aspects, through language rights and the defence of minority languages.

Alongside the schisms taking place within both the workers' and the neutral Esperanto movements,[11] a further layer was added to the neutral movement. Since 1920, short-lived initiatives attempted to estab- lish a youth-oriented Esperanto association, which became consolidated in 1956, with the Tutmonda Esperantista Junulara Organizo (World Esperanto Youth Organisation, henceforth TEJO) receiving more direct support from UEA (Lins 1974). This association, together with the regu- larly held Universal Congresses and other national and international Esperanto gatherings, produced a perception of diversification and, at the same time, stability of the Esperanto community and movement.

During the second half of the twentieth century, the worldwide spread of Esperanto also became prone to accountability at the national level through the landaj asocioj (national Esperanto associations) linked to UEA. Similarly, the emergence and dissolution of several fakaj asocioj (specialist associations, focused on promoting the language among interest groups or gathering Esperantists around particular subjects, hobbies or professional occupations) became seen as indexes of the themes that drive people to the language over time. In this regard, the rise and, recently, the fall of associations for Esperantist Catholics or railway workers took place alongside the growth, for instance, of commercial associations connecting Chinese Esperanto-speaking businesspeople with the rest of Esperantujo.

Beyond the institutional framework, the language initially spoken only by its initiator became associated with several forms of internationalism, drawing from diverse social and political agendas. From the language of Jews and Tolstoyans, it also became the language of French intellec- tuals and bourgeois and, later, that of proletarians, pacifists, anti-fascists and groups such as, nowadays, language lovers and geeks. As Garvfa highlights:

Esperantists came from all walks of life and chose to learn the language for quite different reasons. They were Bolsheviks, anarchists, and social- ists; atheists, and religious-minded people; Catholics and Protestants; feminists and conservatives; blind people; Social Darwinists and people convinced of the sacrality of all human life; Herderians and anti- nationalists; people exploring new life styles and 'hidden worlds', and people concerned about real-world problems; scientists and Nobel Prize winners and workers with a basic education; librarians and Taylorist engineers; and radical and conservative pacifists. (2015: 128)

These shifts were followed by a tendency of dispersion and a notable spatial reconfiguration of Esperantujo, with a growth in the number of Esperantists and Esperanto associations particularly in the Americas and East Asia.[12] To this dispersion trend, it can be added the spread of Esperanto in parts of the African continent, despite the limited financial resources available to associations, rigorous visa requirements of citizens from several African countries to travel abroad and reduced access to transportation and communication technologies, which partly hinder the participation of African Esperantists in Universal Congresses and online Esperanto settings.

Further highly significant political and territorial reconfigurations included the Cold War, during which Esperanto was conveyed as a more politically neutral alternative to Russian and English, the two competing hegemonic languages at the time of tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union. However, the end of this conflict marked the triumph of English and undermined this sound argument for Esperanto. More recently, the creation of the European Union, in 1993, and the Brexit referendum, in 2016, set the stage for addressing the language problem within debates about European integration, with pressure groups using Esperanto as a platform to debate multilingualism and language rights.

2.4 On Failing to Become Universal

Throughout the twentieth century, these ebbs, flows and short-lived occasions of relative success marked the mise en discours of Esperanto that conveyed it as a language that failed to take hold. Alongside the diffi- culties in creating occasions for Esperanto to gain and retain support, a prevalent emphasis—given by historians and Esperantists alike—on the language's past significance contributes to a generalised perception of Esperanto as a 'thing of the past'. Along these lines, the remark- able historical analysis carried out by Ulrich Lins (2016, 2017, as referred extensively throughout this chapter), for instance, investigates how Esperanto was depicted as an enemy of the state when its speakers were persecuted by totalitarian regimes in twentieth-century Europe. Likewise, historians such as Muller and Benton (2006) and Rapley (2013a, b) emphasise how, during the same period, the Chinese and Japanese governments came to fear Esperanto for its associations with communism, anarchism and opposition to national values. These histor- ical perspectives contrast sharply with the present, where no historian would describe Esperanto as a threat to law and order.

Reaching back to the vignette that opened this chapter, this histor- ical background brings about two contrasting manners of depicting Esperanto in the present. At the headquarters of Esperanto-France, on the one hand, Colette asserted that 'history is what matters the most'. This perspective emphasises how Esperanto was politically relevant and engaged in significant ways with world history, gathering revolution- aries and encouraging diverse forms of internationalist critique of the contemporary, which would potentially configure arguments to justify the learning of the language in the present. On the other hand, Thomas, due to his young age and late contact with the language, did not partic- ipate himself in Esperantos history except for three or four recent and relatively uneventful years. When compared to the historical narratives he read and heard about, the political relevance of Esperanto in the twenty-first century appears to be less manifest. Being rarely persecuted or seen as threats, present-day Esperanto speakers are hardly regarded as members of a potentially disruptive and timely radical social move- ment. In this sense, perhaps conveying the language as regular, logical, YouTube-friendly and easy to learn could make it more attractive to those attending Esperanto-France's open day.

Concerns over how non-Esperantists perceive Esperanto are a frequent subject of discussion among Esperantists. This is also the theme of several books and articles that attempt to demystify Esperanto and dispel misapprehensions—the most popular certainly being Esperanto sen mitoj (Esperanto without myths; van Dijk 1999). Published in Esperanto, Ziko van Dijk's work is a comprehensive account of misunderstandings about the language and rebuttals to them, frequently used to prepare Esper- antists to more convincingly promote the language. In the case of an association's open day, such concerns could not be otherwise.

The drawing, hung on the association's wall, of children holding hands and understanding each other 'thanks to Esperanto' is one of the resources mobilised at Esperanto-France to produce a discourse of Esperanto as an effective tool to bring cultures and people together, as this image elegantly illustrates Zamenhof's original project. At the same time, the colourful and modern-looking leaflet whose front page puts forward Esperanto as the 'fair language' bets on the language ideology of fairer and more egalitarian communication (to be discussed in Chapter 5) to convey the timelessness of Esperanto: what effectively matters is to communicate fairly, which can be done regardless of the language's relevance in the past or of how many people speak it. Yet, at the associations office, the flagship producer of practical knowledge about Esperanto is the world map. Taking centre stage in the associa- tion's meeting room, the pins on the map show not how many people speak the language, but how many 'countries' have visited Esperanto- France. Adding colourful pins to cover an already colourful set of printed nation-states helps produce the perception that the world is bountiful, with Esperanto being a key mediator to give people access to such bountifulness.

This world map may not be historical per se if we consider the over 130 years of existence of Esperanto, but it tells part of the story of the association and of the Esperantists that visited it. Between a great number of pins covering countries, the map also displays the wear and tear that result from the fingertips that touched it over time. As Esperantists at the association narrate stories about how they travelled the world through Esperanto, they frequently press the tip of their fingers against the map to show the paths they travelled coming and going to and from Paris to the rest of the globe, crossing oceans by plane and European land by train and bus. In sum, that map may not be unequivocally classi- fied as a historical document from the long-term perspective, but it is indeed historical in showcasing narratives of circulation and travelling— and, indirectly, of language use—and covering more years than Thomas' time in Esperantujo.

Just as maps, drawings, posters and leaflets become indexes of Esperan- tists' discourses about Esperanto, also scholarly and journalistic writings bring to the fore the issue of who has the power to produce knowledge and discourses about the language. A great number of academics who explore the historical and social aspects of Esperanto and its commu- nity—such as Courtinat (1964), Forster (1982), Garvfa (2015), Lins (2016, 2017) and Schor (2016), as well as biographers who documented the life of prominent Esperantists such as Zamenhof (Drezen 1929; Boulton 1960; Privat 2001; Korzhenkov 2010, among others) and Lanti (Borsboom 1976)—are compelled, due to the nature of their research, to learn the language and spend a good deal of time among Esperan- tists. As a result, the analyses they produce about Esperanto, however based on scientific rigour and scholarship, tend to orient their knowledge production towards something akin to a nativist form of knowledge. In learning the language and joining the community as researchers, they (or should I say 'we', including myself in this conundrum?) partially convey an insider's perspective, insofar as these researchers' scientific inquiry and personal experiences with the language become blended in their writings about Esperanto to scholarly readerships.

In the anthropological debate about nativeness, cosmopolitanism and authority over knowledge production, one of this debate's core propo- nents, Adam Kuper (1994), seems convinced of the harms presented by claims to knowledge being based on rootedness and an insider's position- ality. By contrast, Matei Candea (2010: 60), had he studied Esperantists, would likely concede that being a scholar analysing Esperanto may entail partially turning oneself into an Esperantist scholar, which does not mean that one's scholarly approach would be reducible to one's positionality.

By the same token, while an ethnographic or historical study requires long-term research in the community and its archives, the work of jour- nalists does not demand an equally long-lasting involvement with the group under examination. This has resulted in endless narratives of Esperantists who engage with journalists with suspicion, fearing that, as a way of producing eye-catching headlines and spectacular news arti- cles about Esperanto, journalists end up twisting Esperantists' voices and writing about 'the universal language that never became universal', 'a language for eccentric utopians' or 'the language that never was' (Docx 2016). Retaining the monopoly of knowledge production implies mostly keeping control of how the language is conveyed to outsiders, which also involves attempts to silence and hold back Esperantists who advertise Esperanto as the universal language spoken everywhere and who, along these lines, unwittingly revive and reinforce, through the lens of failure, the universalist ambition once projected onto Esperanto.

At first seen as a universalist project aimed at bringing fellow human beings together despite their ethnic, national, linguistic and religious differences, the principles behind Esperanto increasingly shifted towards a valorisation of national and cultural diversity. Such emphasis on what people from different backgrounds can share through Esperanto takes on a political sway, as the language is expected to gather supporters of the neutral movement (usually referred to as samideanoj, fellow thinkers) as well as proletarians and leftists (or kamaradoj and sennaciistoj, comrades and non-nationalists). Thus, the mise en discours of Esperanto lies in conveying the language as universal—meaning a bonding element that engages people from various backgrounds, profiles, locations and walks of life—while avoiding by all means to reinforce the percep- tion of Esperanto as universal—in the sense of 'spoken by everyone, everywhere'.

The latter, well-established definition of Esperanto as a 'universal language' led to the commonplace perception that Esperanto's success depends on its becoming widely spoken worldwide, as well as playing a key role in promoting world peace. Such bold expectations of achieve- ment irrevocably label the Esperanto movement as a failure, a perception that is reinforced by scholarly approaches that subject Esperantos success to its victory over other languages:

Although Esperanto prevailed among the crowded and fractious field of artificial languages, it failed to become the international auxiliary language that many expected. The movement reached its peak in the mid- 1920s, but only ten years later Esperanto's prospects were rather bleak. It had defeated rival artificial languages but lost the war against natural languages — in particular, English — to become the world's lingua franca. (Garvia 2015: 152)

However, the assumption that Esperanto's success depends upon its triumph as a universal language assumes that the history of Esperanto is necessarily the history of linguistic battles. What if most Esperanto speakers were not fighting this war in the first place? As the next chapters indicate, being transformed into multiple narratives and discourses— and, of course, in history—was what happened to Esperanto while people used it to travel abroad, to communicate internationally and to learn from each other in horizontal learning spaces.

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3

Follow the (Non-)Native: Circulating, Mapping and Territorialising the Esperanto Community

Rotterdam, late April 2017. Despite establishing Paris as my main field site, Esperantists there repeatedly told me: 'you should attend the Universal Congress of Esperanto, you should go to Rotterdam! These are the places where people use Esperanto for real, full-time, and where everything happens'. My research by then had revolved around an apparent paradox, of a speech community where people do notregularly speak the language for not being in continuous contact with each other. The headquarters of UEA in Rotterdam and the Universal Congress, it seemed, could provide me with the antithesis of what I had seen so far.

And there I was. On a one-month break from Paris, I conducted part of my fieldwork in the four-storey building erected in 1887 (contempo- rary with the creation of Esperanto) at Nieuwe Binnenweg 176, close to Rotterdam downtown. This address, known by Esperantists across the world as the headquarters of the Universal Esperanto Association (UEA) and the World Esperanto Youth Organisation (TEJO), is among the few places where Esperanto is spoken on a daily basis, as these associations' working language.

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The month I stayed there was a busy one, since UEA is the main organiser of the Universal Congress of Esperanto, whose 102nd issue would take place three months after my arrival. After I exchanged e-mails with the president and the general director of UEA to negotiate access to the associations' archives and staff members, the general director, gave me permission to stay as a researcher. Yet, when faced with the hustle of the preparations for the congress, she promptly asked me to combine my research with other tasks, which included assisting Andrei, the office worker responsible for the bookshop. Our job was to collect, price and pack the books and materials that would be sent to South Korea, where the forthcoming congress would take place, in late July. Andrei, a 61- year-old 'professional Esperantist', who had been working at Esperanto associations since 1989, explained the task to me. With the witty tone and light-hearted mood of someone who knew he would no longer be left alone to do this manual labour, Andrei asked for my help to pack seventy boxes with books, separating them by category and size, to be dispatched to Seoul and then put up for sale at the congress' bookshop. Breathing heavily, he emerged from the narrow storage room in the semi- basement of the associations headquarters carrying a pack of worn-out cardboard boxes. Leaving them by the table that he had temporarily set up in the corridor between the book storage and the library, he wiped the sweat off his forehead, combed his long white beard with his fingertips, pointed at the boxes and said:

We're going to reuse these old boxes. They are the same we used to trans- port materials for the bookshop in Nitra last year [in Slovakia, where the previous congress was held] and most of these boxes had been used many times before, at many other congresses. Some of them have already been to two or three continents, five or six countries, and travelled more than many people here!

Smiling and epically proclaiming 'alright, may our work begin', Andrei was to be my work partner, and that semi-basement, my workplace for most of my stay in Rotterdam. His talkative manner and passion for the books he works with resulted in us having excessively long conversations about his personal experiences involving Esperanto congresses, literature and work.

In following how books in Esperanto—written by authors worldwide and translated from and into several languages—were packed into boxes that 'have travelled more than many people', this chapter follows the circulation of things to help us learn more about the circulation of Esperanto speakers and understand what it means in practice to be an Esperantist. In addition to reading literature, attending local meetings and using the language online, engaging with Esperanto entails practices of mobility in which, even when Esperanto speakers are not circulating and travelling, their ideas, letters, online messages and cardboard boxes are. Furthermore, reading literature and using the language online also entail making things circulate, for the Esperanto book or online message that one reads is likely to be an outcome of several Esperanto-mediated connections, networks and translations.

In examining practices that involve circulating and making people, things and ideas circulate, this chapter analyses the very meaning of circulation in the constitution of the Esperanto community. In this unbounded and dispersed community, mapping and territorialising Esperantujo help Esperantists and non-Esperantists alike to grasp its reach and spread. Ultimately, in trying to map out Esperantujo through making sense of the circulation of people, things and ideas, such prac- tices of circulating and mapping end up producing this community. Lastly, thinking about the amount of labour involved in locating and constantly recreating this community around a landless language also requires a methodological consideration on how to approach Esperantists ethnographically.

3.1 The Social Life of Cardboard Boxes

The offices of UEA and TEJO employed sixteen on-site staff members. Due to European visa requirements, they were all European citizens, but came from different countries of origin and used Esperanto regu- larly as their working language. UEA and TEJO operate as hubs for the Esperanto community, responsible for organising major interna- tional Esperanto meetings and festivals every year, as well as for editing Esperanto magazines and producing and selling books, CDs and DVDs.

They are also the heart of the Esperanto movement, building coali- tions with other associations, NGOs and international bodies, producing leaflets and materials to advertise Esperanto in several languages, and coordinating action with local and national Esperanto associations. Since TEJO is a youth-oriented association, most of its staff members are young volunteers on one-year contracts, with expenses covered through programmes such as the European Voluntary Service. By contrast, most UEA staff are middle-aged or older full-time and part-time office workers.

Andrei started building a career in Esperanto in 1989. After leaving Romania, his country of origin, for reasons he never talked about, he moved to the United States, where he worked at the Esperanto League for North America (ELNA, the US affiliate of UEA at that time). In 2002, he moved to the Netherlands, where he had been the main person responsible for UEAs bookshop for over fifteen years. This seemed to be the right place for someone so enthusiastic about books, languages and translation. He had already read plenty of the books he sells and, as a side occupation, he also wrote Esperanto learning books for Roma- nian speakers and translated novels and poems, mostly from Romanian into Esperanto. While the upper floors of the associations headquarters housed offices and a conference room, the semi-basement was where he made himself at home: that floor accommodated the bookshop, with glass windows displaying Esperanto books to passers-by in the street. To the rear, there were the associations' refectory, library and three rooms that Andrei used for book storage. Despite the messy piles of books and cardboard boxes, as well as staplers, pencils, financial statements and lists of book titles scattered around those rooms and along the tiny corridor that connected them, Andrei knew the location of everything by heart.

Andrei showed me the list of books to be packed and, while he tried to teach me how to navigate those busy rooms, I asked him about how he chooses which materials should be sent to the bookshop at these congresses. Holding a book in one hand, a catalogue in the other and with a pencil behind his ear, he answered:

the results will be like... And I also adapt the content of the bookshop according to the country and the region where the congress takes place. Since this one will be in Asia, I'll send more books translated from Asian literature, books about subjects that may be more appealing to Asian Esperantists, language teaching materials oriented to speakers of Asian languages... For the same reason, I always check the congress' registra- tion list, to see the attendees' nationalities and think about the kinds of books they might be interested in buying.

As the days passed and the packing went on, our conversations continued. On one of these occasions, he explained to me why we were packing only books, even though UEA's bookshop also sold other products:

Usually we send CDs and DVDs as well, but not this year. When the congress is in Europe, it's easier and cheaper to transport all these things. But because this one will be in South Korea, the carrier that will ship all this told us that we can send books and pay only the transportation costs. If we also ship CDs and DVDs we have to pay special taxes for this material to enter the country, and that would be too expensive. It means we would have to raise the price of these products when selling them at the congress and it wouldn't be worth it.

Andrei was particularly careful about the categorisation he had drawn on his title list when separating the books into boxes. As these materials would reach the congress venue in Seoul before him, he would rely on the volunteers from the local organising committee to set up the tempo- rary bookshop. Thus, while separating books of poetry, novels, national anthologies, academic and language learning materials, among others, he also sketched a tentative map outlining the position of each shelf and table in the congress bookshop, to make sure the South Korean volunteers would place them correctly. After explaining the tasks he would have to fulfil during the congress, Andrei also commented on the purchases in Rotterdam:

The sales in our bookshop are not as good as before... I know that a lot of other things have also changed. In the past, the television, the

Internet, they didn't exist — so people had more free time; more time to read books. And Esperantists, particularly, used to read a lot: apart from congresses and local meetings, the only way they had to use the language was through reading magazines and books. Nowadays people can read things in Esperanto and contact Esperantists online, everywhere, for free, and they don't rely on magazines and books as they did before.

He was also concerned about pricing the books: we were putting the price tags on each of them in Euros, hoping that most people would pay for them by card or transfer money through UEA's online payment system—but Andrei would also have to juggle exchange rates and payments in South Korean Won. During his explanation about curren- cies and payments, the other office workers started to come downstairs for lunch, and since some of our boxes were blocking the way to the refectory, we had to stop working and open a path. Hearing part of the conversation as she approached us, Zlata, the main person respon- sible for the associations accountancy and finance, also had something to say about UEA's online payment system. Looking rather anxious for her overwhelming task, the middle-aged treasurer from the former Yugoslavia, astonished and with effusive gestures, told us that she had seventy-five unread messages in her professional mailbox, most of them from people who had paid the registration fees to attend the forth- coming congress. She had to deal with financial operations, making money circulate from people's bank accounts to UEA, and then from UEA's managerial system to the congress' local organising committee. The latter would then be responsible for registering the participants and allocating rooms to those who chose the accommodation options offered by the organisers.

After having lunch with the office workers and volunteers in the asso- ciation's refectory, I went back to the books and boxes. There, I saw Andrei leaning on the table with one hand. He seemed lost in thought, staring at a pile of empty boxes in the corridor and reconsidering his booklist:

The thing is that, for this year's congress, apart from Korean Esperan- tists, everybody else has to take a plane to reach South Korea. It means that fewer people will buy books this time, because of the weight of the luggage — people won't be willing to pay for the extra weight on the plane [...]. Besides, there are fewer participants registered to attend the congress this year, because of the distance from Europe [where most of the regular congress-goers live], and also because many elderly people are afraid of dealing with such different living conditions in Asia, like the weather, the long time spent travelling... Many older Esperantists are concerned about having health problems after eating the food there, for instance, and some end up giving up on the trip.

When Andrei is not packing books or attending Universal Congresses, he sits behind his desk at the bookshop. Even though few people walk in and buy books, CDs and DVDs in person, he receives several orders online on a daily basis by e-mail, WhatsApp messages or through UEA's online payment system, and sometimes also by phone or post.

Apart from recognising shifts in how people place orders, Andrei also pointed out the impact of changes in currency and methods of payment, arguing that the creation of the Eurozone made it easier for UEA to sell and ship products within the European Union. Previously, Andrei constantly had to calculate the conversion rates from Dutch Guilder to other currencies. Likewise, the creation of online payment systems like PayPal and the fact that many credit cards nowadays can be used for international transactions made it easier for people to move money over- seas, which facilitated sales to Esperantists outside the EU. In his one week in Seoul, his job would be more challenging: aside from continuing to manage online sales for those who were not attending the congress, he would have to handle more currencies and customers in face-to-face transactions. Additionally, despite Zlata and most of UEA's office workers also attending the congress, they would not be near Andrei's congress bookshop, and he would have to solve any problem with UEA's online payment system by himself.

Three weeks later, Andrei and I had almost finished packing the books, but we had to interrupt our activity that day: that afternoon, a truck arrived from the print shop bringing piles of copies of Kontakto, the bimonthly magazine edited by TEJO. Since the copies of the magazine would also be provisionally stored downstairs, Andrei and I had to move our boxes aside again while Laetitia and Mihaela, volunteers at TEJO, walked from one side of the semi-basement to the other carrying huge bags, preparing to stick address labels on the magazines and, later, post them to TEJO members.

The following day, Johannes, another staff member at UEA's office, would contact the carrier and double-check the conditions and prices for shipping all those cardboard boxes to South Korea. Since Johannes was one of the few native Dutch speakers in the office, he was responsible for most external communication within the Netherlands.

As I learned during my stay in Rotterdam, what moved the office workers and volunteers at UEA and TEJO was their constant need to keep Esperanto-related things on the move. While Johannes contacted the carrier, Andrei bought his own plane tickets to South Korea, and Zlata, in turn, was kept busy with annual membership fees, congress registration fees and other money transfers from people's personal accounts at UEA's system to the association and the congress' organising committee, and vice versa. The travelling and circulation involving people, things and places could not stop, and even though UEA's office provided me with a comfortable armchair from where I could observe people and things being set in motion, this ethnographer was also supposed to join these flows at some point. Where would Esperanto bring me next?

3.2 TheTerritorialisation

of a One-Night-Stand Relational Assemblage

Andrei was one among numerous Esperantists who showed me that working at an Esperanto association meant performing, on a daily basis, a vast array of practices related to circulation and mobility: to come, to go, to transfer, to pack, to send, to post, to mail, to dispatch, to receive, to travel and to attend. These practices propose to address the issues recur- rently raised by Esperanto learners: 'once I learn the language, how can I meet other Esperanto speakers?'; 'if Esperanto is not customarily spoken anywhere, how can I find ways to speak it?'.

Rephrasing these questions in Anna Tsing's terms, 'global connections are everywhere. So how does one study the global?' (2005: 1). While I was interested in understanding Esperanto as a global phenomenon, I found that also Esperanto speakers were sometimes unsure about how to engage with this form of global and how to establish Esperanto-mediated global connections in order to effectively use the language.

Reading Esperanto literature—for instance, the books that Andrei and I were packing—provides a way for people to use the language. However, it only allows for the use of one receptive skill (namely, reading), not making for a fully-fledged engagement with verbal commu- nication through four language skills. Yet, books are not the only things that circulate through Esperanto: in the early years of the language, letter exchanges were among the first materialisations of this dispersed speech community. To do justice to it, a great number of postcards and stamps were produced with Esperanto themes throughout the early twentieth century, containing images of Esperanto as a classic goddess enlightening peoples and bringing them together through mutual understanding, of children holding hands around the terrestrial globe, of Ancient Greek-looking figures reaching out to each other from different sides of the world map, among others. These images allegorically depicted what Esperanto proposed: to bring people together—even though not necessarily physically together—sharing ideas and, in multiple ways, communicating.

At the local level, Esperantists can gather, learn and speak the language at Esperanto associations and clubs, which provide the settings for regular meetings and language classes. However, given that the effective use of Esperanto as an international auxiliary language requires oppor- tunities for its speakers to see the world beyond the limits of their mother tongues, such local gatherings end up being regarded as imperfect enactments of this wider, globally dispersed community.

This perception was first shown to me in a debate held in Esperanto at the Paris-based association Esperanto-France. While the participants commented on the frame of that debate itself, Patrice, a 50-year-old French Esperantist, pointed out:

For me, this is artificial; this is not real Esperantujo. We are a group of French people speaking Esperanto, but we could as well be speaking French. What is real is to go abroad and speak with foreign Esperan- tists. You, for instance [pointing at me, the only foreigner at the debate that day], give us reasons to speak Esperanto, and this is good, but this meeting here, the meetings we have in these associations here in Paris... They are all very nice, but this is not the best way to be an Esperantist. I always take part in these meetings because I like you guys, I like to be here and to have opportunities to use Esperanto, but I find this artificial.

In Patrice's view, even though the debates held in Esperanto among speakers of the same mother tongue provided him with moments of learning and pleasure, the immersion in what he called 'real Esperan- tujo'—as opposed to 'artificial Esperantujo'—would not be complete without people from different national and linguistic backgrounds.

Along these lines, real Esperantujo largely dwells on international Esperanto meetings, such as the Universal Congress that Andrei and the UEA staff were thoughtfully preparing. On these occasions, this imagined community becomes materialised as a speech community and community of practice through the use of the language they share and the enactment of the cosmopolitan principles that prompt Esperan- tists to pursue fairer and more egalitarian communication. Nonetheless, these international gatherings are short-lived, such that real Esperantujo cannot last longer than one week. This condition that Esperantists face also becomes a methodological issue: where should this ethnographer go to find the Esperanto speech community and live with his 'natives' if these are scattered everywhere and grouped nowhere—or at least not for any length of time?

The use of Esperantujo or, alternatively, Esperantio to refer to the Esperanto community reveals linguistically pertinent choices. Both terms can be roughly translated as 'Esperantoland', as the suffixes -uj- and -i- are used to refer to most countries' names in Esperanto.[13] Addition- ally, the suffix -uj-, as proposed by Zamenhof in the fundamentals of the language, refers to containers (such as in monujo, 'wallet' or inkujo, 'inkwell'), whereas -ia late variation to refer to countries, can also be used to denote sciences and occupations (as in antropologio, 'anthro- pology' or telegrafio, 'telegraphy'). In this sense, the suffix -uj- emphasises the population contained in a country,[14] whereas -i- focuses on the area or territory of a country. Even though the two words that stand for Esperan- toland imply, more or less directly, a reference to territory, Esperantists do not normally make any claims for an Esperanto-speaking nation-state or defined territory.

History, nonetheless, is not free from short-lived endeavours to create such territories. The most remarkable attempts in this regard included a project led by a small group of Esperantists to introduce Esperanto as an official language in the contested Belgian-Prussian territory of Neutrala Moresneto (Neutral Moresnet) in 1908 (Okrent 2006: 93; Zelichowski 2009: 215). A more radical venture took place in 1968, when the Italian engineer Giorgio Rosa built a platform in the Adri- atic Sea, near the Italian coast, and declared it to be the micronation of Respubliko de la Insulo de la Rozoj (Republic of Rose Island). This micronation, which was both declared independent and destroyed in 1968 (Hayward 2014: 2), was to have Esperanto as its official language. Aside from producing hostile reactions in their surrounding countries, these short-lived attempts to give Esperantujo a territory failed to gain substantial support of the Esperanto community.

Such refusal to stabilise Esperantujo in territorial terms is entirely in line with this community's understanding of itself as a relational assem- blage dispersed across the globe, rather than confined to a given location. The very fact that the members of this community are scattered is one of the core features that drive Esperantists to occasionally come together. However, the fact that the real Esperantujo epitomised by the Universal Congresses and other international gatherings is only in place once a year imposes the emic question of how Esperantists can systematically find or forge 'real', 'authentic' Esperantist contexts—and this question's etic analogous, of how ethnographers can engage with Esperantists full-time.

When Moshe Shokeid (1988, 2007: 309) studied Israeli immigrants in the United States in the early 1980s, he too faced a similar ethnographic challenge in locating a dispersed community. Coming across occasions on which Israeli immigrants in New York gathered at private or public venues to sing along to popular Israeli songs, he coined the expression one-night-stand ethnicity. Given that these immigrants did not seem to form a stable and close-knit group and did not carry traits and indexes that could easily identify their ethnic and national belonging, these occa- sional gatherings constituted the only moments in which their use of the Hebrew language and their singing among their fellow nationals rendered their origin evident.

In a similar vein, Esperantists may casually exhibit their relationship with the language by wearing t-shirts, caps or tote bags with refer- ences to Esperanto, as well as reading Esperanto books in public places and promoting the language. Nonetheless, the occasions on which such engagement becomes acutely visible are when Esperantists meet and use the language. Holding gatherings and bringing this speech community into being, in turn, include preparing classes, organising meetings, as well as booking conference venues and advertising these events in Esperanto channels on digital media. Materialising this community, then, requires a significant amount of labour, critical to regularly create contexts to enable the use of the language and the maintenance of Esperantujo. Following Shokeid, we could argue that the intermittent and short-lived character of the materialisations of the Esperanto community characterises it as a one-night-stand (speech) community, which is grounded on labour that is, as expected, often carried out in Esperanto.

3.3 How to Recast the Global, Between Boundedness and Multi-Sitedness

If this community is formulated on the basis of one-night-stand community-building practices, the same should apply to a long-term ethnographic study of it.

Establishing and stabilising Esperantujo in territorial terms is an issue for Esperantists and ethnographers alike, which places mapping as both a core analytical issue and a central methodological concern here. Over history, as presented in the previous chapter, Esperantists have attempted to encourage dynamic exchanges in the language and to account for the spread of the community through the accountability enabled by local, national and international Esperanto associations. Two key means of accountability also responsible for bringing Esperantists together, still in place today in ever-updated versions, are the Adresaro and the Jarlibro (respectively, Address Book and Yearbook). Zamenhof published the first address lists in 32 issues from 1890 to 1909, so that Esperantists could locate and contact each other, either in person or by post. Currently, UEA publishes the Jarlibro periodically, with contact information of associations and its delegates and details about how to find monuments related to Esperanto, streets and squares named after Esperanto and Zamenhof, as well as libraries and radio stations with materials to read and listen to in the language. Similarly, SAT regularly issues an Adresaro with the contact details of all its members.

A particularly successful undertaking that enhanced the international use of Esperanto while also mapping out this community was Pasporta Servo (Passport Service). Created in 1974, Pasporta Servo is a hospitality service carried out entirely in Esperanto. The forefather of institution- alised couchsurfing, it was launched as a book directory listing the addresses and telephone numbers of Esperantists willing to offer guided tours, free lodging and, above all, a warm welcome to Esperantists trav- elling abroad. Doing so through Esperanto was a way of establishing a more egalitarian communicative exchange through a language that is the first language of neither hosts nor guests, thus turning the unequal host—guest relationship into a more balanced relationship between fellow community members. Pasporta Servo currently makes its directory avail- able in book form and online, through a map constantly updated by its users (Fig. 3.1).

Beyond the framework of hospitality, the cartographic tools designed to help locate Esperanto speakers now include the website Esperan- tujo, La Esperantista Mondmapo (The Esperantist World Map), in which Esperanto-speaking users can create a profile, register their position on the globe and contact others based on their location. In a similar

fashion, but with a more institutional focus, the website of the associ- ation Esperanto-France displays a map of France with information on clubs and associations in each French department. Additionally, since April 2017, the mobile phone app Amikumu provides a platform where users create their profiles, register their language skills and use the mobile phone's GPS to locate fellow Esperanto speakers, as well as speakers of other languages, nearby.

Just as mapping practices and technologies help to territorialise Esper- antujo through showing where to find Esperantists and associations, maps also provide non-Esperanto speakers with a way to visualise this community. Commenting on visual depictions of the Basque nation, Jacqueline Urla (1993) shows how Basque language organisations sympa- thetic to Basque nationalism represent, in their publications, maps of the Basque country detached from its surrounding geographic context. In doing so, these cartographic representations emphasise the autonomy of the Basque country, in contrast to its image as a mere region engulfed in Spanish and French territories. Along similar lines, in presenting Esperantujo through world maps, the Esperanto movement resorts to cartography to exhibit this language's and community's global reach.

Yet the centrality of cartography for Esperantujo is not new. In his opening speech at the third Universal Congress of Esperanto, in Cambridge, in 1907, Zamenhof asserted that the Universal Congresses offered possibilities for Esperantists to meet every year in 7a cefurbo de Esperanttijo', 'the capital city of Esperantujo' (Zamenhof, reproduced in Privat 2001: 70—71, my translation). At least once a year, Esperantujo can form a temporary international territory, in pop-up capital cities materialised by the congress venues. In the same way that these terri- torial links are short-lived, the relationships between Esperantists who meet at these events also tend to be ephemeral. While some Esperantists exchange contact details, most of these contacts are restricted to the days these Esperantists spend at the international congresses—which config- ures 'real Esperantujo' as a pop-up community. Paradoxically, however, rather than hampering the Esperanto community, this ephemerality and weak territoriality are precisely what strengthen the making of the Esperanto community.

Esperantists may not be geographically concentrated, but the tech- nologies and mediators that enable them to be connected are, to a large extent, traceable. As indicated by the books and cardboard boxes trav- elling from Rotterdam to Seoul, being an Esperantist in practice means attending congresses, making friends with fellow speakers, exchanging contact details and communicating through digital media, as well as shipping Esperanto books and organising temporary bookshops on the opposite side of the world. In many ways, this community is estab- lished and evolves through a network-like organisation, in which the language itself is the major mediator that prompts Esperanto associa- tions, congresses, magazines, mobile phone apps and digital media to also play Esperanto-related roles. In this sense, mapping out the use of these mediators and technologies seems to offer a way of stabilising some of these connections and making sense of this community.

Studying networks of Fijian-based NGOs dedicated to women's issues, Annelise Riles (2000) makes a compelling methodological remark: thinking of networks as an analytical tool is not innovative when the reality of one's field site is already based on networks. In her words,

Where the people described in this book already understand themselves to create networks in order to generate realities by studying, analyzing or communicating about them, discovering a 'network' no longer can evoke the surprise of uncovering hidden analytical truth as it once did. (2000:

4)

Due to the network-like configuration of Esperantujo, following people, things, metaphors, stories, lives and conflicts (cf. Marcus 1995) seemed to be the right thing to do. A multi-sited approach along these lines defies the more traditional practice of bounding 'cultures' into places (Marcus 1995: 104) and enables ethnographers to understand issues and social groups that are not territorialised. Contrary to a single- sited ethnography whose findings would later be situated and explained by macrotheories and the broader context, multi-sited ethnographies give more centrality to the data coming from the field. Hence, multi-sitedness equips us to acknowledge that processes—such as the building and main- tenance of Esperantujo—may be carried out across great distances and even on the move (Burrell 2009: 183).

This ethnographer faced, then, another conundrum: once I started tracing networks and following actors, where should I stop following them—or, in other words, where should I cut the network? After all, as Marilyn Strathern notes in relation to kinship ties, 'in practice one does not trace connexions for ever' (1996: 530). Strathern offers ethnogra- phers some comfort by arguing that our objects of study are rendered stable during our reflection on them (1996: 522)—meaning that the writing of research outcomes is a way to interrupt the flows and cut the network. Regarding cutting networks in the field, Matei Candea (2010) came across a similar issue. When beginning his fieldwork from a village in Corsica, 'the village'—which appeared to constitute a coherent entity, a stable and fairly obvious single field site—turned out to be a place from where many traces and flows started. This remark led him to assert that 'the difficult thing was not so much to be multi-sited, as to be "sited" at all' (2010: 16). Following in Candea's steps in attempting to establish a location from which my long-term study could begin, many factors directed me to Paris. More specifically, to Paris-based Esperanto associa- tions, which are normally in charge of promoting the language, running language courses, meetings and debates, organising annual congresses, publishing books and magazines, and selling Esperanto-related materials, thus being hubs from where several instances of circulation and mapping begin and from where my approach could start.

As described in the previous chapters, the significance of France in general, Paris in particular, to the history of Esperanto turns this city into a microcosm where multiple approaches to Esperanto and profiles of Esperantists gather. In addition, Paris-based Esperantists were among the first to endorse Zamenhof's proposal to stabilise Esperantujo through institutionalising it. This led to the foundation, in 1898, of the Societe pour la propagation de l'esperanto (Society for the Dissemination of Esperanto), the creation of the magazine LEsperantiste and, in 1905, the establishment of the internationally-driven Esperantista Centra Oficejo (Esperantist Central Office). In 1933, SAT moved its headquarters from Leipzig to Paris, which was followed, in 1945, by the foundation of SAT-Amikaro, the French-speaking wing of SAT. For all these reasons, the French influence in the international Esperanto community and movement is discernible, with scholars and Esperantists alike talking about 'the French period' (Saladin 2017), 'the French resurgence' (Garv^a 2015: 77—83) and 'the French leadership of the Esperanto movement' (Lins 2016: 24; Schor 2016: 89). Consequently, this yielded a substan- tial influence of the French language over Esperanto vocabulary, as well as in early Esperanto literature, with Hachette being the first well- known publishing house to edit books in Esperanto and to advertise the language in its catalogue (Forster 1982: 79).

The passion with which French Esperantists defended the language in heated debates, contrasted with a wider political and diplomatic dismissal of it within the country, made the controversies involving Esperanto in France reach far beyond Esperantujo. As a consequence, Paris became my core 'bounded field site' (Candea 2007, 2010: Chapter 1), which would enable me to map out particular enactments of Esperantujo in detail and to loosely territorialise certain aspects of this community, without losing sight of its international character.

3.4 On the Move, in the Making

Even today, Paris remains important for Esperantujo, and the diver- sity of Esperantists in the city is largely expressed in its Esperanto associations. SAT and SAT-Amikaro (the latter standing for Union des Travailleurs Esperantistes de Langue Fran^aise, Union of Esperantist

French-Speaking Workers) remain headquartered in the city. The Esper- antist Central Office merged with UEA and moved to Rotterdam, while the Society for the Dissemination of Esperanto stayed in Paris, changing its name to Union Fran^aise pour l'Esperanto and, later, to Esperanto- France. This association's headquarters also host meetings of other asso- ciations, such as the relatively inactive Franca Katolika Esperanto-Asocio (FKEA, French Catholic Esperanto Association) and the Junulara Esper- anta Franca Organizo (JEFO, French Esperanto Youth Organisation, or Esperanto-jeunes). From 1949, the Franca Fervojista Esperanto-Asocio (FFEA/AFCE, French Association of Esperantist Railway Workers) was added to this institutional plethora and, in 2003, the political party Europe Democratie Esperanto (EDE, Europe-Democracy-Esperanto) adopted Paris as its official address.

The networks formed by such Paris-based associations also encom- pass non-Esperanto-related institutions. A number of local Esperantists managed to garner the official support of the association Citoyens du Monde (Citizens of the World), as well as to establish collaboration with the association Amies et Amis de la Commune de Paris 1871 (Friends of the Paris Commune 1871) and with Mundolingua, the Parisian museum of languages and linguistics. Local Esperantists also hold a weekly Esperanto-French bilingual broadcast at the Federation Anarchistes Radio Libertaire; offer a regular Esperanto course aimed at university students at the Ecole normale superieure; and participate weekly in the Parisian Cafe Polyglotte.³ In addition, Esperantists in Paris regularly hold stalls at annual events such as the Forum des Asso- ciations (Association's Fair) held in every Parisian district, and at the Salon Europeen de l'Education, as well as at the left-leaning festival Fete de LHumanite. Network-like Esperantujo also transcends institu- tional frameworks, with informal debates and language practice gather- ings taking place in various locations around Paris, from Antony and Versailles to Bondy, covering the French department of Ile-de-France in nearly every direction. These networks are further expanded through digital media, which include groups, pages and forums on Facebook, Twitter, Meetup, Ipernity, Mastodon, Reddit, Telegram, WhatsApp and Amikumu.

Faced with such limitless fieldwork possibilities, I found myself in a position to explicitly set the limits of my field site. Making analytical decisions to circumscribe my field led me to set Paris as my arbitrary location (Candea 2007). If 'real Esperantujo' only comes into being once a year, in week-long congresses that stand for the short-lived, ever mobile capital cities of Esperantujo, any attempt to stabilise a field site for a long-term ethnography of Esperantists will inevitably draw on arbi- trary choices about where to set boundaries and cut networks. Likewise, while such choices may be arbitrary, they are hardly fortuitous. Just as Paris offers solid historical grounds for a hub for Esperantists and for this research on language and political activism, a focus on Esperan- tists in Rio de Janeiro would likely result in a study about the links between this language and religion through the trope ofhuman solidarity (Pardue 2001). Similarly, bounding my core field site in Beijing, Tokyo or Sapporo would involve covering how discourses about Esperanto in these places convey the language as an index of Western modernity and, in certain instances, a tool for political resistance (Muller and Benton 2006; Lins 2008; Rapley 2013).

Setting Paris as my arbitrary location implied exploring its bountiful- ness while also questioning the coherence of the Paris-based enactments of Esperantujo. This means that, within Paris, I was in constant motion, going from one meeting place or association to another, having Google Maps and the RATP (the company responsible for the Parisian public transportation system) as my best friends. In attempting to 'follow the native', in the strict sense of the expression, I followed people, things, ideas and practices. However, the curious detail here is that these 'natives' were not native speakers of Esperanto. Thus, maybe 'following the non- native' would be the most suitable expression to denote what such ethnographic approach entailed.

Bounding a field site does not assume staying put, but rather recog- nising the need to delimitate the space where I would explore continu- ities and discontinuities, interweavings and ruptures of people, places and things held together (Candea 2010: 33—34)—I being the actor connecting actors in this network in one among many possible ways.

Yet, despite having made the decision of being based in Paris, I was pushed outside the city all too frequently, being constantly invited to join flows. Through offers that an ethnographer of Esperantujo could hardly refuse, at some point, circulating became an analytical impera- tive. Following from this, I spent a month at the previously described headquarters of UEA and TEJO in Rotterdam, which are points of departure, as well as endpoints, of several movements of people and things within Esperantujo. I also attended international Esperanto meet- ings and congresses in 2016 and 2017, travelling to the British Esperanto Conference in the United Kingdom, to the Internationalist Meeting in Catalonia/Spain, to the SAT Congresses held in Germany and South Korea and to the Universal Congresses of Esperanto in Slovakia and South Korea. Circulating, thus, urged a reconsideration of sitedness and territory: as suggested by James Clifford (1992), relations of dwelling and travelling, being there and getting there, are characterising elements of travelling cultures—like those of active Esperantists.

As Andrei's job illustrates, engaging with Esperanto involves not only circulating, but also making things circulate. This endeavour would not be complete without occasions on which the ethnographer himself was made to circulate. As a foreign Esperantist, I was invited, on behalf of Esperanto-France, to go on tour. Over the course of a month, I visited fifteen local Esperanto associations and clubs across French main- land, giving talks about anthropology and my country of origin while being welcomed and hosted by local Esperantists. Just like the travel- ling books, magazines and cardboard boxes, I partially yielded to calls to embrace circulation as an Esperantist practice and as an ethnogra- pher's methodology during this Tour de France. From Paris to other parts of the country, I was in the Kula Ring this time (Malinowski 1922), as it were, as the object being exchanged between groups. Instead of boats, SNCF trains; instead of islands and villages, cities and Esperanto associations. However, the features that characterised me as a valuable being exchanged were there: one Esperanto group bringing me safely to the next, passing me on to the following group in rather festive ways, with banquets and ceremonial exchanges taking place right before my eyes. Meanwhile, I was the object being traded, whose value lied in my foreignness, in having the ability to trigger enactments of less artificial, more real Esperantujo amidst native speakers of French.

However, as Ghassan Hage (2005) warns us when talking about the limits of multi-sited ethnography, eventually such a journey had to come to an end. After all, 'the body of the anthropologist, even a post-modern one, simply cannot cope with such fast and intensive travelling for a very lengthy period of time' (Hage 2005: 465). Issues such as phys- ical exhaustion and restrictions in time and financial resources play a role in the process of interrupting movements and cutting networks— not only for ethnographers, but also for Esperantists. Andrei was acutely aware of it: during our preparation of the cardboard boxes, he stated that some people do not attend Universal Congresses due to their diffi- culties in dealing with foreign food habits, the time spent travelling, as well as problems to obtain visas, as recurrently happens particularly to African Esperantists who are refused visas to attend Esperanto meetings in Europe. In this regard, the same actors, mediators and connections that enable movement also set its pace and offer resistance to it, both facilitating and impeding mobility (Cresswell 2014). Travel documents and means of transportation may make travelling possible, but not always and not for everyone, as lack of visas, lack of money, long waits in airports and high taxes to export CDs and DVDs restrain flows.

Despite the frequent emphasis they place on travelling, Esperantists are also rooted somewhere. Being for most of the time during field- work stuck with them in Paris, partially sharing their sense of entrapment (Hage 2003; Jansen 2009), enabled me to better understand their local Esperanto activities, as well as the lack thereof in moments when they could not attend meetings outside the city—on occasions in which their mobility was expressed as motility, as a potential for movement that was not effectively materialised (Kaufmann et al. 2004; Salazar and Smart 2011).

Engaging with a heavily internationally-driven speech community also brings about another challenge—one that Esperantists refer to as la lingva problemo (the language problem). This emic expression alludes to how the world's linguistic diversity limits communication, as well as produces miscommunication. Linguistic diversity is not conveyed as an issue in itself: the problem emerges when one uses a hege- monic language—a national language turned global through imperialism (Phillipson 1992)—to mediate between people from different linguistic backgrounds, given the uneven playing field it produces for non-native speakers of the hegemonic language at stake. In this scenario, Esperanto was to offer a solution for the language problem as a non-imposed, shared second language, easier to learn and more regular than most natural languages. Thus, since Esperanto is no one's first language and Esperantists are at least bilingual, code-switching becomes a constitutive part of one's experience as an Esperantist. Once Esperantujo is in place, from international congresses to local meetings, the use of Esperanto aims to abolish the constant need for translation, since everyone would communicate in this language. However, to reach this, everything must first be translated into Esperanto.

While my French-based interlocutors were used to code-switching between Esperanto and French, this issue assumed a rather more radical form to me. I had to switch daily between Portuguese (my mother tongue), English (the language in which my research outcomes were supposed to be published), French (the first language of most of my interlocutors and of the country where I lived) and Esperanto (the mediator that brought my interlocutors together). I conducted my field research in both Esperanto and French, and even though I could already speak the languages I needed for this study, my foreignness—my being a(n) (South) American in Paris—played a role in these encounters. My fluent, although far from standard, French, together with my fluent, 'international' Esperanto, made the very process of code-switching a rele- vant component of my ethnography. Between French and Esperanto, only one of these seeming equally available languages is chosen by partic- ular individuals on particular occasions to talk about particular issues

(Fishman 1965).

Along these lines, during my thirteen-month-long stay in Paris, I was hosted—paying cheap rent by Parisian standards—by two Esperantists and their families, and these accommodation arrangements implicitly required me to use Esperanto with them regularly as a home language. Likewise, as per Patrice's assertion quoted before, my foreignness (read as my being a non-native speaker of French) rendered some Esperanto meetings in Paris 'less artificial', which encouraged a great number of Esperantists to want to talk to me. On the other hand, on occasions in which I deliberately chose to speak in French, those who were begin- ners in Esperanto felt more comfortable talking to me, and constantly switching from one code to another enabled me to participate in a wider range of meetings and activities. On distinct occasions and for different purposes, I used both Esperanto and French in my participant observa- tion and interviews. Code-switching was also part of the archival research I conducted at the archives of the associations Esperanto-France, SAT, SAT-Amikaro and AFCE, as well as at UEA's Hector Hodler Library and at the Department of Planned Languages of the Austrian National Library.

As Esperanto is the key working language of Esperantujo, anyone who wants to conduct ethnographic or archival research about it has to be at least an Esperanto speaker and, to a large extent, also an Esperan- tist. Most of the academic bibliography on interlinguistics and planned languages is in Esperanto (Barandovska-Frank 1995: 9), which creates barriers for scholars who conduct research on Esperanto without having a command of the language.⁴ In some cases, I was seen as a 'very active Esperantist': I attended countless Esperanto classes, debates, meetings and congresses, was given copies of the keys of some associations' head- quarters and even invited to play leading administrative roles in two of these associations (which I declined). My constant presence at Esperanto meetings was widely read as an active engagement, which only became clear to me during a conversation with Andra, a 25-year-old Esperan- tist who lived in Toulouse. After Andra and I had met at an Esperanto congress in Catalonia in late 2016, she contacted me when she was about to visit Paris, and I hosted her during her three-day stay in the city. Talking about the Esperanto activities I had been attending, she exclaimed: 'you are a real Esperantist, you're so involved and so participa- tive in Esperantujo!' Since she understood the purposes of my research, I replied: 'Yes, but it's mostly because of my participant observation, it's not something I always do'. Pensive, she paused for a while and then retorted:

But you're always meeting Esperantists, joining debates, attending these administrative meetings... You see tonight, for instance: we only met young Esperantists at a restaurant because you helped set up the meeting, and invited some people to come and welcome me to Paris. Without you, maybe Quentin [one of the participants at this meeting, a Parisian who had attended an Esperanto meeting for the first time] would never have spoken Esperanto to someone in person. You are the one who included him.

Andra was right. Although I tended to regard myself simply as an Esperanto speaker—since I never tried to convince people to learn the language—I was completely caught up in Esperantujo and even held responsible for performing the labour of establishing the networks that I was attempting to trace. If this is what being an Esperantist meant, then speaking the language, circulating and building connections in this network had made me into a full-time one.

3.5 Joining and Creating a Pop-Up Community

The mild Esperantist way of'dwelling-in-travelling' (Clifford 1992) bears no relation to practices of mobility oriented towards migration, but rather concerns recurrent practices of travelling to encounter Esperan- tists, which establish episodic enactments of Esperantujo. While any number of people gathered communicating in the language already constitutes the Esperanto community, the emic 'real Esperantujo' only effectively comes into being a limited number of times per year in ever- changing locations. Once international gatherings such as the Universal Congress are over, real Esperantujo vanishes and turns into traces on the maps of previous 'capital cities of Esperantujo', expanding the list of territories this community once occupied.

Curiously, as I attempted to demarcate an arbitrary location for my long-term ethnographic fieldwork, I was being pushed to join flows and to conduct multi-sited, short-term field visits. Hence, my initial interrogations about methodology turned out to be the same ones that Esperantists face: when getting to grips with my positionality, trav- elling and being partially trapped turned out to constitute the very process of becoming both an anthropologist studying Esperantists and an Esperantist.

Yet, my approach partially clashed with the practices I was mapping: while my interlocutors worked to expand their Esperanto-mediated networks, I attempted to abridge mine as I tried to stabilise the ever- unstable Esperantujo through cutting networks and writing up the outcomes of my study. Yet, as Idris, one of my Paris-based research interlocutors, said: 'Sometimes Esperanto offers us so many opportu- nities. Maybe in your case it couldn't be otherwise, because Esperanto led you to go to all these places and do all these things'. Locating and mapping Esperantujo meant being dislocated by it, which compelled me to become quite an active actor in this network-like community, both at Paris-based associations and at international congresses.

Even when Esperantists are not travelling, their ideas, letters, online messages and cardboard boxes are. Therefore, in trying to map out this community through making sense of circulation and travelling, ultimately the mediators, technologies and practices mobilised by Esper- antists continuously (re)produce this community. In this way, travelling through Esperanto, organising meetings and regularly attending enact- ments of this pop-up community, as well as making Esperanto-related things and messages circulate, illustrate the amount of labour required to materialise Esperantujo. Hence, the (particularly active) Esperantists not only speak the language and make contact with fellow speakers: they perform the labour that enables this community to be continuously and repeatedly brought into material existence. Thanks to the practical effort of constantly creating contexts in which the language can be spoken— supported by mediators and technologies that enable Esperantists to be mobile, while also preventing them from being mobile all the time— real Esperantujo finds itself in a feedback loop whereby any engagement with the community encompasses some of the labour that breathes life again and again into the community. Based on the premise that the more international, the better, the connections and friendships that establish Esperantujo tend to be brief, but are, for the very same reason, intense and exciting—like a communitarian form of one-night-stand.

References

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4

When Esperantists Meet, or What Makes This Community International?

The books that Andrei and I packed at the headquarters of UEA in Rotterdam reached Seoul in the second week of July 2017. One week later, I was also on my way from France to South Korea to attend the 102nd Universal Congress of Esperanto. As I arrived at Charles de Gaulle Airport, in Paris—which was busier than normal due to the summer holidays—I could already feel the enthusiasm of other Esperantists for the congress as two of them found and contacted me through the mobile phone app Amikumu. They, too, were about to fly to Incheon Interna- tional Airport and used the GPS on their mobile phones to locate fellow Esperantists at the Parisian airport, chat with them and warm up for the congress while waiting for their departures. As the message exchange through the app unfolded, I managed to meet one of them, Nicole, a middle-aged woman from the outskirts of Paris, and her husband.

The couple promptly identified me at the boarding gate, as we were among the few non-Asians boarding for South Korea. While we joined the queue and exchanged our last words before taking seats on opposite sides of the plane, I recognised that this flight would be the last occasion for the next few days on which I would speak French. From the moment

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I set foot in South Korea, all my meaningful conversations would be held in Esperanto, and questions on the streets about where to go and what to eat would tentatively be in English, with many misunderstandings—or in Korean, if I only could.

The largest annual materialisation of the Esperanto community was about to take place. Just like my French fellow travellers, many other Esperantists from around the world were thrilled to visit Seoul, see old friends and meet new people during that week at the 'capital city of Esperantujo'. Since Esperanto is meant to bring together people from different national and linguistic backgrounds, the Universal Congresses of Esperanto are the paramount occasions during which these purposes are realised. In this regard, if being part of this community is mostly about communicating verbally across national borders, what do Esper- antists talk about once they meet? What can—and what cannot—be communicated and shared once they gather? To what extent is a fellow Esperantist seen as a fellow or as an Other, and what kinds of otherness are at play in these encounters that materialise Esperantujos internation- ality?

Based on an ethnographic account of the 102nd Universal Congress of Esperanto, this chapter analyses how certain understandings of nation- ality emerged historically among Esperantists, foregrounding national diversity as the proxy of difference to be valued and celebrated by partic- ular forms of cosmopolitan openness. I argue that, as Esperantists from across the world are regarded as carriers of differences perceived through the scope of nationality, Esperanto becomes the mediator that forges stereotyped perceptions of alterity to, then, overcome them and partially turn congress participants from national Others into fellow Esperantists. This results in the making of this community being grounded on sets of cosmopolitan principles, which inform the sociabilities that will take place during such meetings. Looking at what motivates Esperantists to get together face-to-face, I explore how a specific grammar of national diversity is highlighted and addressed, examining how this community emerges in constant tension via an internationalism that simultaneously embraces nationalities and rejects nationalisms.

4.1 The Materialisation of a Pop-Up Community

After an eleven-hour flight, jet lag and a surprisingly quick and wordless passage through passport control, I was at the doorstep of the congress venue, Seoul's Hankuk University of Foreign Studies. The venue was easily reachable from the subway station nearby, with the pathway clearly marked by Esperanto flags hanging from the light poles on the streets.

On arrival at the Universal Congress, each participant received a congress tote bag, adorned with the congress logo and containing the programme, sample magazines, leaflets and a badge. Hanging from the participants' necks through a lanyard, the badges displayed one's personal information: full name, congress registration number and 'country', as I explain later. The congress' opening ceremony was about to start. In turning their backs on the streets of Seoul, the participants not only left behind the summer heat and joined air-conditioned rooms, but also delved into an entirely Esperanto-speaking environment. On the campus corridors, the metal signs on the walls indicating the location of toilets and lecture rooms in the Korean language and using the Korean alphabet provisionally coexisted with sheets of paper displaying infor- mation and directions in Esperanto, using the Latin alphabet. Just as at every Universal Congress, the lecture rooms were temporarily named after prominent Esperantists, and the largest auditorium at Hankuk University—named Obama Hall since 2012, when Barack Obama gave a speech about nuclear non-proliferation there—had been provisionally re-baptised Salono Zamenhof. Despite not being close to its capacity of 2,000 people, the auditorium seemed to contain most of the 1,173 people enrolled at the congress.

As the congress participants arrived, old friends enthusiastically greeted each other, after, in many cases, having met for the last time a year before, at the previous Universal Congress in Slovakia. People from all over the world filed into the auditorium, looking for places to sit from where they could have a good view of the stage—where members of UEA's executive committee were also taking their seats. At the top of the stage, a large banner displaying the congress logo read 'Welcome to Seoul' in Esperanto and a large Esperanto flag hung behind the stage, with two spotlights directed onto it. Mark Fettes, then presi- dent of UEA, took the microphone, asking people to take their seats and announcing the beginning of the ceremony. The auditorium fell silent and the lights dimmed down, which was followed by occasional camera flashes obfuscating people's vision.

A grey-haired, Canadian-based academic elected for his second three- year mandate as UEA's president, Mark was wearing a formal suit, made less formal by his colourful tie. As the protocol dictates, he stood up and gave a short opening speech, welcoming the congress participants and introducing those who were sitting next to him at the long table placed on the stage. After the introductions, Mark handed the floor to the authorities and government representatives attending the ceremony. Apart from two Korean ambassadors and the mayor of Seoul, the patron of the congress—Park Joo-sun, a member of the South Korean National Assembly—gave a short, but vibrant speech. He talked about how he had learned some words in Esperanto and how happy he was to see this language very much alive, with a spirited community of speakers. As he spoke—in Korean, ending with a few words in Esperanto—a member of the organising committee interpreted his speech into Esperanto.

Despite small groups of attendees showing clear signs of boredom as the formalities unfolded, the overwhelming majority of the audience received the introductions and speeches with effusive applause. Some were focused, whereas others chatted with their seat neighbours, checked the congress programme to decide which activity they would attend next, or took photos. Some were also concerned about live streaming the cere- mony on Facebook or YouTube so that Esperantists who could not travel to Seoul could have a taste of it.

Halfway through the two-hour ceremony, Mark invited the represen- tatives of each national Esperanto association present in the auditorium to salute the congress participants. A chaotic crowd formed in the corner of the stage as people from 61 countries queued up to say a few words. Sienna, a young ginger-haired woman from UEAs committee, took the microphone to introduce them, one by one, by their names and coun- tries. The greetings came in alphabetical order of the countries' name in Esperanto, starting with a short, grey-haired woman saluting the partic- ipants on behalf of the Albanian Esperanto Institute. Right after her five-second address, a tall, young man spoke, also briefly, on behalf of 'Argentina and Argentinian Esperantists', followed by an elderly woman from 'sunny Armenia'. The greetings, which continued for a long time, were supposed to finish with Uzbekistan and Vietnam, the last ones in the alphabetical order. However, after these, Sienna, giggling, said that they were surprised by a special addendum to the ceremony. She pointed at a bearded, elderly man, rather youthful in his manners, who jumped on the stage and jokingly saluted the congress participants on behalf of the almost forgotten 'huge country of Luxembourg'.

As the countries' representatives spoke, the audience paid special atten- tion to their accents when speaking Esperanto, to the way they were dressed—the Indian and Nepalese speakers wore traditional clothes, rein- forcing their connections with their countries—their ethnicities and hairstyles, and to the fact that they were men and women of all ages, though most seemed to be over 45 years old. After thinking the greetings had ended, Sienna giggled again and said: 'The surprises today haven't finished, because we also have the representative of Catalonia'. Her voice faded as this sentence ended, and Ferran, a 40-year-old, bearded man, wearing shorts and a colourful shirt—contrasting with Sienna's and Mark's more formal attire—approached the microphone:

Hi! On behalf of the Catalan Esperanto Association, I salute all the congress participants, and salute particularly warmly the Spanish repre- sentatives. I hope that next year, when you visit the Iberian Peninsula [for the 2018 congress, set to take place in Portugal], you will find a new state there, and I also strongly hope that its creation will become a model of a peaceful and smart solution for conflicts.

As he left the stage, a middle-aged couple behind me spoke to each other, in French: 'I can't believe they let him speak. These Catalans keep trying to use all the opportunities they have to talk about themselves and complain about Spain'. Coincidentally, I would later realise that the couple was Nicole and her husband, whom I had met at the airport in Paris.

After the salutations, Mark spoke again, thanking everyone and remarking with particular enthusiasm on the fact that the Philippines and East Timor were represented at the Universal Congress for the first time. He also announced that the ceremony was coming to an end, and we should all stand to sing along to La Espero, 'the anthem': 'I should remind you that the lyrics can be found, in case you don't know them by heart, on the last page of your congress programme book'. The entire auditorium stood up and sang the anthem, some with excitement, others not so much. Among the eleven committee members standing behind the table on the stage,only one needed to check the congress book for the lyrics, while the others seemed to have it memorised. At the end, Mark declared the congress officially opened, and concluded the cere- mony by saying 'Enjoy the week!' As people left the hall, some searched their friends to socialise, and most looked for the university canteen, where we would have lunch for an affordable price on most days to come.

Most congress participants seemed thrilled, excited about what was about to start. The opening ceremony meant the beginning of seven days of lectures and workshops on topics such as social justice, migra- tion, musical instruments of the world, diplomacy at the UN and Aikido trial classes. There would also be administrative meetings of Esperanto associations, concerts, theatre plays, day trips and a men's football match between the Esperanto team and the team of a local high school. As usual, Esperantists from South Korea had also organised activities to present the hosting country to the visitors, which included a Korean language crash course and presentations about the country's traditions, cuisine and history. The programme also included a roundtable in Esperanto, arranged by Park Joo-sun, about the re-union of North and South Korea, held at the National Assembly, which received wide coverage in the South Korean non-Esperantist media. On the congress' first day, after lunch, the participants would head towards different rooms, with various activities taking place simultaneously. However, that evening, most of us would gather again to attend the Nacia Vespero (National Evening), with Korean dance and music, from the folk song Arirang to K-Pop.

As I would come to notice, the features that characterised this congress venue were everything that the French airport where this narrative started was not. Marc Auge (1995) uses airports to illustrate what he calls 'non- places': spaces of circulation, in which individuals would mostly remain anonymous and alone, ready to continue circulating through an indis- tinguishable space that aims at producing smooth flows. Being indis- tinguishable, airports can look the same anywhere, with few elements (such as the surrounding landscapes or the language on their signs) situ- ating them somewhere in the world. The congress venue, on the other hand, was decorated with Esperanto flags, world maps, South Korean flags, signs in Esperanto advertising books being sold at Andrei's book- shop and activities taking place, and the congress logo, particularly at the information desks available around the campus. Far from being a non- place, for one week, the university campus would indeed embody the South Korean version of the capital city of Esperantujo.

4.2 The Invention of Esperantujo

With the number of participants ranging between 700 and 6,000, the Universal Congresses constitute the highlight of most people's engage- ment with Esperanto. In a fashion similar to how the Olympic Games and World Cups are organised, the Esperanto-speaking local organising committees propose their cities to host the congress, and the UEA's congress committee assesses the candidate cities. Among the main criteria are the vigour and organisation of the local Esperanto associations, accommodation prices, suitability of prospective congress venues and the political situation of the hosting countries. After careful analysis, UEA makes its decision and announces the host city at the congress taking place two years in advance.

As most Esperanto speakers used to be concentrated in Europe and North America, countries in these regions hosted all the Universal Congresses prior to 1965. Since then, the 2017 congress was the thirteenth held outside the Europe-North America axis. Hosting an Esperanto event of this magnitude allows local Esperantists to use the language in an international setting without leaving their home—aside from helping spread the word about Esperanto in the hosting country, given that these congresses invariably gain visibility in the local and national media. However, hosting the Universal Congress also entails liaising with the city council to decorate the city with Esperanto banners and flags, as well as training a number of Esperantists to volunteer in the organisation.

During the opening ceremony and in the days that follow, the congress participants meet old friends from previous international gatherings and start conversations with Esperantists they do not know, thus seamlessly including themselves in this community. As speaking Esperanto is the starting point of Esperantists' participation in these events, the language patently emerges as the essential element that Esperantists share— which includes not only the basic grammar and vocabulary outlined by Zamenhof, but also communicative resources such as idiomatic expres- sions, proverbs, customary jokes and wordplays. However, other than the language, what other elements hold Esperantujo together? What do Esperantists share, do not share and speak about when a conversation in the language becomes more than small talk and lasts longer than a speed meeting in the corridors of the congress venue?

One feature that helps identify Esperantists and the settings of Esper- antujo consists of common grammar and visual language. With elements almost as old as the language itself, these include a colour—green—that stands for the hope of mutual understanding. Green is also the colour of the two core symbols that represent the language and its community: the five-pointed star, standing for the five continents, and the Esperanto Jubilee symbol, formed by E beside d, expressing the rapprochement of the Latin and Cyrillic alphabets as a proxy for the West and the East. Esperanto also counts a flag (a green background with a white square in the upper-left corner containing the green star), an anthem (named La Espero or The Hope) and the image of the founding father, Zamenhof. As the congress' opening ceremony showed, these symbols are exten- sively mobilised in the rooms and corridors of the congress venue, at speeches of UEA's presidents and at the outfits of some participants who wear Esperanto-themed shirts and pins. Unsurprisingly, the Universal Congress is often held in the week around the 26th of July, Esperanto Day—when, in 1887, the Russian censors authorised the publication of the book that marked the birth of the language. Likewise, Zamenhof's date of birth is traditionally celebrated at further Esperanto gatherings on the 15th of December.

This raises a seeming paradox, as elements—such as flags, identifying symbols, anthems and a founding father—that have been historically used to justify the existence of nations, nationalities and nation-states are mobilised here to ground an international community.

Just as in the case of nationalism, the building of this commu- nity also comprises a shared knowledge of the history of Esperanto. As historians such as Ernest Renan (1990) note, aside from counting elements such as common interests and geographical territory, nation- building is primarily grounded on a common history. This serves as a base for a collective identity and for people's interest in coming together and remaining as parts of the same unity. Drawing on Renan's arguments, Eric Hobsbawm (2000, 2012) asserts that such shared knowl- edge about the past is often anchored in retrospective mythologies (2012: 255), which Esperantujo does not lack. For instance, the burning of Zamenhof's first written version of the language by his father is narrated by some of Zamenhof's biographers (such as Privat 2001: 31) and conveyed as an index of Zamenhof's resilience. However, this is not present in the work of several other biographers (among which Korzhenkov 2010), leading this event to be often regarded as a myth aimed to present Zamenhof as a hero (Kolker 2005: 193—195).

Drawing on such elements, Benedict Anderson (2006) defines nations as imagined political communities. These are imagined and formed by people who perceive themselves as part of a group even though, for practical reasons, they will never be able to interact in person with all the community's members and thus prove, in a comprehensive manner, the community's concrete existence. Accordingly, a nation—like any other imagined community, in which we can include Esperantujo— is founded upon the ideas that people hold about its existence and on a sense of belonging to it. As I argued elsewhere (Fians 2012), Esperanto's internationalism is largely grounded in arguments, visual language, grammars and recollections of the past akin to those used by nationalisms. However, even though these elements matter to express people's allegiance to Esperanto, they are far from sufficient to justify why more than 1,000 people from 61 countries save their money and cross the world nearly every year to spend a week socialising with fellow Esperantists.

The circulation and mobility discussed in the previous chapter give us a clue to understand this. Staying in their home countries would result in Esperantists using Esperanto mostly among their fellow nationals, who are often speakers of the same mother tongue. If Esperanto is presumed to be an international language, what could be better than using it to come into first-hand contact with internationality? This calls into question the ways in which internationality plays out in Esperantujo.

As the congress' opening ceremony showed, inter-nationality here draws on people from different nationalities being brought together. Following the emic perception of nationality at play, one's nationality is conveyed by traditional clothes that identify the person's origin, by the particular accents one displays when speaking Esperanto, or by greeting the congress' participants on behalf of one's country. Hence, the Universal Congress consolidates itself as an international event by gathering several forms of diversity subsumed under the label 'national'. This creates the conditions for the national Other[15]—the individual who embodies 'difference' when measured against others and affirms them- selves as a carrier of alterity in its diverse forms—to emerge as the key figure that renders such settings international. Ultimately, insofar as the countries' salutations that open these congresses highlight the rela- tive differences and particularities between national Others, Esperanto gains prominence as the ingredient bringing national Others together by turning them into fellow Esperantists.

This practice of building internationality from national diversity is also manifest in Esperanto literature. The fact that the developing liter- ature in Esperanto, both original and translated, essentially targets an international readership (Richmond 1993) is in line with the nationally diverse background of Esperanto authors and translators. This results in Esperanto literary traditions being partial outcomes of several national ones, also making national literary traditions available to international publics. One of the ways of doing so is through the national anthologies of poems, novels, short stories and theatre plays that Andrei packed for the Seoul bookshop, such as Antologio de la Moderna Bosnia-Hercegovina

Novelo (Alic 1989), El Japana Literaturo (Miyamoto and Isiguro 1965) and Itala Antologio (Azzi 1987), among others.

This understanding of internationality as a mosaic of nationalities is present in Esperanto literature as much as in music, theatre plays, videos, films and, by the same token, in the community. The percep- tion of nationality conveyed here recalls a Romantic definition of culture that posits culture as a discrete and bounded unity likened to nation. This Herderian archipelago vision (Eriksen 2001: 137), which draws on Herder and the modern origins of both cultural relativism and nation- alism, is in accordance with the political and philosophical programme behind Esperanto. From this, Esperantists derive the conclusion that if nationalities can be used to set peoples apart, internationality could help bring people together.

In discussing the concept of culture, Roy Wagner (1975) argues that, while cultures are said to shape people, people also constantly signify and shape their cultures by creatively engaging with their values and symbols. In Wagner's perspective, anthropologists also participate in the process of shaping cultures by defining them as anthropology's main object of study: 'in the act of inventing another culture, the anthropologist invents his own, and in fact he reinvents the notion of culture itself' (1975: 14).

As cultural relativism and nationalism share analogous historical origins, Wagner's arguments provide solid ground for an analysis of how Esperantists engage with nationalities. In mobilising elements such as clothes, mother tongues, accents, hairstyles and countries of origin as indexes of one's nationality, Esperantists invent Other's nationalities, their own and in fact (re)invent their working notion of nationality itself. Eventually, this rationale gives rise to Esperantos internationality, which is constructed from elements of several nationalities. An 'invented' internationality for an 'invented' language: ironically enough, it sounds appropriate.

As things are translated, resignified and reinvented in Esperanto terms, they become part of the international assemblage that brings the Esperanto community, literature, symbols, anthem and flag, among others, into being. However, this does not apply to everything: there is no traditional Esperanto cuisine (unlike essentialised ideas of traditional Korean or French cuisines, for instance), just as there is no standard etiquette expected from Esperantists at the table or when queueing for a bus. Elements such as these would depend on regular face-to- face coexistence, which is not the case for this community's ephemeral materialisations.

Yet the most striking mechanism that transforms Esperantujo into an imagined community that lasts beyond its pop-up enactments is based on how the political and philosophical programme behind Esperanto deals with nationality.

4.3 Communicating Differences and Resemblances

The political and philosophical programme behind Esperanto encom- passes sets of cosmopolitan principles. In line with practices of diplo- macy, these principles aim to create smooth, non-confrontational communication settings to enable the management of friendly relation- ships between Esperantists from different national backgrounds. Such Esperantists consist of the alilandanoj or eksterlandanoj, the national Others, with whom one may not have much in common—apart from speaking Esperanto. In these relations, what is at stake is ways of dealing with differences and similarities expressed in national form. The Universal Congress provides a setting for Esperantists to express empathy and respect for their national Others, as well as curiosity to learn more about their experiences and background. This approach to national diversity, referred to by Esperantists as malfermeco (openness), is in line with anthropological scholarship on cosmopolitanism.

The cosmopolitan principles that set out the openness of Esperantists delineate an us/them binarism with which anthropologists are acutely familiar. Whereas the emic perception of 'us' refers to fellow Esperantists in general, regardless of nationalities, the 'them' refers to Esperan- tists from nationalities different from ego's: the national Others. This binarism establishes the prevalent framework characterising Universal Congresses, as Esperantists from different nationalities communicate their differences through cosmopolitan sociabilities.

Addressing a particular instance of cosmopolitanism, Schiller, Darieva and Gruner-Domic define cosmopolitan sociability as:

[...] forms of competence and communication skills that are based on the human capacity to create social relations of inclusiveness and openness to the world. As such cosmopolitan sociability is an ability to find aspects of the shared human experience including aspirations for a better world within or despite what would seem to be divides of culture and belief. (2011: 402-403)

Given that Esperantists materialise cosmopolitan principles through cosmopolitan sociabilities, this calls for a dialogue with what scholars refer to as ordinary cosmopolitanisms (Lamont and Aksartova 2002), cosmopolitanism in practice (Nowicka and Rovisco 2009) or everyday cosmopolitanism (Bayat 2008). Nowicka and Rovisco explain how cosmopolitanism in practice is concerned with:

(1) cosmopolitanism as a practice which is apparent in things that people do and say to positively engage with 'the otherness of the other' and the oneness of the world; (2) cosmopolitanism as a moral ideal that empha- sizes both tolerance towards difference and the possibility of a more just world order. (2009: 2)

In a separate approach, Hannerz's formulations about cultural cosmopolitanism (1990, 2005: 200) posit cosmopolitanism as an upper- middle-class openness towards different cultural experiences, an ability to make one's way into other cultures. This instance of cosmopolitanism, showcased by frequent travellers, does not involve any real commitment to other peoples or cultures since, as a tourist, one always keeps in mind that at some point one will go back home and leave the realm of the Other's culture behind.

Contrastingly, Lamont and Aksartova (2002: 1) examine not tourists, but non-college-educated white and black workers in the United States and white and North African workers in France. The authors argue that ordinary cosmopolitanism is not best understood as a short-lived appre- ciation of varied lifestyles. Instead, it consists of a broader strategy used also by ordinary people to bridge boundaries with Others in everyday relations. Among Esperantists, cosmopolitanism is neither a matter of one-off cosmopolitan sociabilities carried out by tourists in contact with 'exotic cultures', nor of neighbours and co-workers performing strate- gies to address cultural and racial issues on a daily basis. Encounters at an international Esperanto meeting bring together features of both: the contacts that Esperantists establish can either be ephemeral or can come to form long-term friendship ties; they can be superficial and stereotype- based or can go beyond cliches and lead to meaningful conversations. These characteristics establish the cosmopolitan sociabilities enacted by Esperantists as practices that combine elements of both Hannerz's and Lamont and Aksartovas approaches to cosmopolitanism.

International Esperanto meetings establish a particular frame in which participants are tuned into a specific, Esperantist frequency and in which communication across (certain) boundaries gains centrality. In metalinguistic terms, speaking in Esperanto about Esperanto itself and about where people come from frequently work as icebreakers to estab- lish initial contacts between fellow Esperantists. In metacommunicative terms, drawing on Gregory Bateson (1972: 177—193), communicating in Esperanto is what sets the frame of international Esperanto meetings, in which specific sets of actions and sociabilities are expected to take place. Bateson states that certain messages (such as 'this is play', 'let's be serious now' or 'time to work') define a frame and provide the receiver of the message with instructions or hints that will help them understand the messages conveyed within that frame. Here, the very use of Esperanto to communicate sets the frame, steering the concerned participants to tune into an Esperantist wavelength. On this frequency, some kinds of difference—namely those related to nationality—are made salient and legitimised, being conveyed as positive. When such celebration and openness are enacted through cosmopolitan sociabilities and when this togetherness, composed of the congress' participants, is materialised, a sense of belonging to Esperantujo becomes manifest. This tuning into an Esperantist frequency creates the image of a community where virtu- ally everyone can feel welcome and can value (certain) differences. Being no one's language implies that Esperanto can be potentially everyone's, adding one more element to the feeling of having this language, as well as this community, as one's own—this being the main reason why the use of languages other than Esperanto would compromise the construc- tion of this frame. In short, the fine-tuning and togetherness that these meetings produce, enabled by enactments of cosmopolitan sociabilities, engender a sense of belonging to Esperantujo.

Thus, inter-nationality resides at the core of the making of this community and also takes centre stage in the cosmopolitan principles that form the political and philosophical programme behind Esperanto. However, the way in which nationality plays out in Esperantujo has changed over time, resulting in shifting approaches that build on each other and complicate the present-day cosmopolitan principles that nurture the Esperanto community.

4.4 From Humanism to Internationalism, with Many Differences in Between

Had Esperanto been a language alone, it may have died out, as was the case with many other planned languages created between the eighteenth and the twentieth centuries. By contrast, the cosmopolitan principles often associated with it helped to establish Esperanto as a broader project focused on consciously addressing the relationship between nationalism and internationalism (Nagai 2010: 49). Over time, these principles have evolved according to the prevailing values of each histor- ical period, in what I identify as the three major Esperantist approaches to national diversity marked by humanist, non-nationalist and interna- tionalist outlooks.

The programme behind Esperanto has produced 'different social modalities of dealing with difference' (Beck and Sznaider 2010: 399) since the early days of this language. In the late nineteenth century, Zamenhof was highly influenced by the intellectual movement known as Haskalah or Jewish Enlightenment and by ideas of bringing people together on the grounds of political and religious tolerance—which was also motivated by his Jewishness (Schor 2016; O'Keeffe 2019). As Zamenhof himself emphasised, his programme, formalised under the name Homaranismo (1929[1906]), was inspired by the idea of the de- ethnicisation of social relations (Garvfa 2015: 84). With Homaranismo, he expected Esperanto to encourage individuals to affirm their human- ness and underplay their nationalities and ethnicities, inspiring Esperan- tists to see themselves as part of a brotherhood of peoples who share a common humanity. Zamenhof foresaw Esperanto as a tool both to enable more egalitarian international communication and to convey his political and philosophical programme, as he expressed in his opening speech at the First Universal Congress of Esperanto, in 1905:

And now, for the first time, the dream of thousands of years begins to become true. In this small town on the French coast, people have come together from the most diverse countries and nations, and they meet each other not as mute and deaf people, but they understand each other, they talk to each other as brothers, as members of one nation. [...] For the first time in human history, members of the most different peoples stand side by side not as strangers, not as competitors, but as brothers who do not impose their own language on one another, who understand each other, and who are not suspicious of each other for the darkness that divides them. As brothers who love each other and who shake each others hands not hypocritically, as foreigner with foreigner, but sincerely, as person with person. Let us be aware of the importance of this day, since today, among the hospitable walls of Boulogne-sur-Mer, we meet, not as Frenchmen meeting Britons, or as Russians meeting Poles, but as persons meeting persons. (Zamenhof 2001: 6-7, my translation from Esperanto)

This outlook—which I call humanist cosmopolitanism—is in accordance with universalist values of the time, seeing the underplay of national, ethnic and religious belongings as a first step towards a reunion of humankind. The claim for a universal language was based on the need for bringing peoples together through the commonalities that we all share as human beings. Thus, apart from sharing the same humanity, we would also share a common language, making it possible for us to be one, despite differences. This role that Esperanto was to assume was also present in postcards produced in the early twentieth century (Fig. 4.1).

This set of cosmopolitan principles present in Zamenhof's speeches and writings is aimed towards reclaiming the human and downplaying differences. Yet, it does not explicitly entail a Kantian political call for a supranational state encompassing all the peoples of the world. Immanuel

Kant's conceptions of cosmopolitan right (Waldron 2000: 229—231) and political cosmopolitanism are concerned with a universalist morality and with an understanding of the Earth's surface as belonging to the human race and being for common use (Kant 2010: 21—24). Zamenhof, in turn, was proposing a set of cosmopolitan principles, to be enacted as humanist openness to one's Other. Although Esperantists occasion- ally use the terms civitanoj de la mondo or mondcivitanoj (citizens of the world) when referring to such openness, this world citizenship is rarely formulated as a claim for an effective citizenship of the kind to be recognised by nation-states.

Fig. 4.1 Postcard, produced by Raphael Tuck & Sons, in 1922, in the United Kingdom, praising the rapprochement of peoples through Esperanto. It reads, in Esperanto: 'Friendly Salutations. Oh, Let us sing a song/ About the language Esperanto/ By writers and poets/ In poems and odes' (Source Hector Hodler Library, UEA, Rotterdam)

E R

A N T O

FOR ALL

Zamenhof's Homaranismo, as a child of its time, justified the need for this humanist cosmopolitanism to be carried out through Esperanto by presenting language, nationality and ethnicity as closely connected and interdependent features. In this way, Homaranismo would consti- tute the political and philosophical basis upon which Esperantists wouldsee each other as samideanoj (fellow thinkers, those who share not only a language, but also the same set of ideals), a term still in use among supporters of the neutral Esperanto movement. Despite Zamenhof's attempts to strengthen Homaranismo, the language's dissemination in Western Europe, particularly in France, boosted a shift from these initial claims for openness to an instrumental use of the language for cross- border knowledge production and commerce. As a consequence, this initial humanist cosmopolitan approach gave way to several other sets of principles, which have been adopted, refused and adapted by Esperantos diversifying and growing speech community.

A remarkable change in this regard came with the dissemination of Esperanto among the working classes and left-leaning activists, which gained prominence with the First World War. The war created a scenario in which proletarians fought against each other, for their countries, for reasons that were overall perceived as not concerning them. This strengthened a left-leaning notion of cosmopolitanism, fuelled by a war- led perception of the destructive potential of nationalism. Driven by SAT and strongly influenced by Eugene Lanti, the growing left-wing, workers' Esperanto movement advanced what I call a non-nationalist cosmopoli- tanism, a way to foster unity through refusing everything connected to nations, nationalities and nationalisms. As Lanti (2013: 84) argued, one cannot simply deny the existence of nations, just as one cannot deny the occurrence of diseases. However, their very existence should encourage people to fight against their endurance. In his view, internationalism would not provide a solution, since it could not bring equality and peace to the world:

Paraphrasing a saying of Francis Bacon, 'a little philosophy inclineth man's mind to atheism; but depth in philosophy bringeth men's minds about to religion,' Jaures concluded his argument as follows: 'A little internation- alism weakens patriotism; much internationalism strengthens it.' That very clearly means that internationalism in no way aims at the aboli- tion of nationality in the world. Further, all congresses of the various Internationals have declared themselves for the independence of nations, for the autonomy of all countries. Internationalism, therefore, is only a system which aims at the setting up of a juridical organisation among the nations in order to avoid conflicts and wars, but which in no way pretends to abolish the national peculiarities constituted by languages, customs, tradition, and so forth. (Lanti 2013: 65-66; translation from Esperanto retrieved from SAT's website)

Lanti's perspective, extensively supported by SAT members and left-wing Esperantists in general, called for a non-nationalist approach, which was more pragmatic than the one advanced by Zamenhof and the neutral Esperanto movement. Lanti's ideas can be summarised by his call, which later became SAT's motto: 'members of SAT, get used to a beyond-national feeling, way of thinking and attitude!' From this stand- point, rather than fostering common humanity, proletarian and left-wing Esperantists should fight not only against borders and language barriers, but also more widely against wars, social inequality and capitalism, using Esperanto as a tool to organise their political struggle alongside Esperantists worldwide (Fig. 4.2).

Fig. 4.2 Postcard related to the First Workers' Esperantist Congress, which would be held in Paris, in 1914, but never took place due to the First World War. The image, by Ludovic-Rodo Pissarro circa 1914, portrays Esperanto guiding the people's fight against capitalism, the latter being depicted as a vulture (Source Department of Planned Languages, Austrian National Library, Vienna)

After the Second World War, the political and philosophical programme linked to Esperanto became closer to the internationalism promoted by the UN, in what I call internationalist cosmopolitanism. The emergence of non-state political actors (Beck and Sznaider 2010: 390) characterised by an internationalist orientation, such as the UN, UNESCO and UNICEF, was read as a source of potential support for Esperanto. This motivated Ivo Lapenna (who later became the president of UEA), as well as other prominent figures of the neutral Esperanto movement, to reformulate Esperantos programme in interna- tionalist terms. This emerging UN-like form of internationalism marked a shift from a world beyond nations to a world as a family of nations and from a world community of people to an international commu- nity of countries, with nations playing the role of mediators between persons, peoples and humanity (Malkki 1994: 56). In this vein, the interplay of nationality, language and ethnicity that characterised the humanist cosmopolitanism was partially taken up again, with close links connecting nationality, language and, this time, culture. People's nation- alities and cultural backgrounds took centre stage in Esperanto settings from this moment onwards: once the 'Esperanto discourse recognized the role of the nation-state, it became normal to say "Dutch Esperantists" or "Italian Esperantists"' (Gobbo 2017: 43).

As outlined in the previous chapter, this shift towards the UN goals and ideas led Esperantists to an increasing appreciation of national, linguistic and cultural diversity and to the defence of human rights, in an outlook that prevails to date. Such internationalist cosmopolitanism equates internationalism, multilingualism and multiculturalism, with cultural and linguistic differences between Esperantists being expressed as differences in nationality—despite these elements not necessarily over- lapping. The centrality given to this nation-language-culture paradigm is illustrated by how websites of international Esperanto associations, such as UEA, TEJO and SAT, have been translated from their original Esperanto version into seven, twelve and nineteen languages, respectively. By the same token, UEA prides itself on its internationality, stating that it has members in 120 countries, and stresses the role of linguistic justice for the development of a sense of solidarity and respect among peoples and cultures, as presented in the English language version of UEA's website:

UEA works not only to promote Esperanto, but to stimulate discussion of the world language problem and to call attention to the necessity of equality among languages. Its statute lists the following four goals: to promote the use of the international language Esperanto; to act for the solution of the language problem in international relations and to facilitate international communication; to encourage all types of spir- itual and material relations among people, irrespective of differences of nationality, race, sex, religion, politics, or language; and to nurture among its members a strong sense of solidarity, and to develop in them understanding and respect for other peoples.

Hence, the crucial shift at play is that national differences, which were underplayed by the humanist outlook and suppressed by the non-nationalist one, became paramount for the constitution of an inter- national—therefore, multilingual and multicultural—Esperantujo, as we saw in the salutations during the Universal Congress' opening ceremony. The focus on the commonalities we share as human beings—which characterised the humanist cosmopolitanism—is transformed into an emphasis on the features we do not share as bearers of different nation- alities, with these being presented as essential features to be made salient and celebrated when Esperantists meet. This approach—which is, in a way, Zamenhof's turned upside down—allowed the interna- tionalist cosmopolitanism to prevail. Thus, here, it is the willingness to have meaningful exchanges with national Others on a more egalitarian communication footing that drives people to use Esperanto.

Additionally, if, in the past, many Esperantists connected Esperanto with other global political causes such as socialism, anarchism, pacifism and communism, nowadays this language often speaks to new social movements. Currently, there is a growing dialogue between the inter- nationalist cosmopolitanism linked to Esperanto and causes related to global justice, support for minorities and minority languages, language rights, free and open-source software, feminism and environmentalism. Through continuous updates and reinterpretations, Esperanto engages with new sets of contemporary issues, attracting to Esperanto people interested, for instance, in open-source software and feminism, encour- aging a pragmatic use of the language on social and political grounds and raising awareness of these issues among Esperantists.

Another feature demands further elaboration: the changing percep- tions of nationality. In Zamenhof's time, the differences that Esperantos set of cosmopolitan principles aimed to underplay were expressed mainly in terms of nationality, ethnicity and mother tongue. At the time of the First World War, under Esperanto's non-nationalist approach, social class and political convictions gained ground over nationality. Currently, as an outcome of the UN-like internationalist outlook, the differences to be addressed relate to nationality, mother tongue and culture. Most impor- tantly, whether being underplayed, denied or celebrated (frequently with some degree of xenophilia), nationality consistently figures as the token of Esperantists' efforts towards mutual understanding. Presenting itself as a cluster of cosmopolitans in a world perceived as increasingly characterised by nationalist and xenophobic worldviews, the Esperanto community seeks to consolidate a drive to address certain differences and relate to them in more inclusive and productive ways.

Reaching back to the opening ceremony, these sets of cosmopolitan principles intersect in the sociabilities that Esperanto engenders when people attempt to communicate across differences.

4.5 Disentangling Nationality Through Sociability

This historical overview showed how the sets of cosmopolitan principles that have supported Esperanto over time exist as programmes formulated by leading figures such as Zamenhof, Lanti and Lapenna. However, as a day at the 102nd Universal Congress of Esperanto reveals, the distinc- tion between the normative-philosophical and the empirical-analytical (Beck and Sznaider 2010: 386—389) manifestations of cosmopolitanism becomes salient as we unpack how these sets of cosmopolitan principles are manifested through sociabilities.[16]

After the congress' opening ceremony, I had lunch with Alberto and Marie-Christine at Hankuk University's canteen. Alberto, the bald, beaming middle-aged man wearing cylindrical glasses who greeted the congress on behalf of the United States, is a Chemistry instructor at a college in California. He has attended Universal Congresses for years, both because he enjoyed them and because his many decades as an active Esperantist led him to occupy some prominent positions in Esperan- tujo. His roles as president of the association Esperanto USA, committee member of UEA and member of the Akademio de Esperanto required him to participate in many administrative meetings during the Universal Congress. Since Alberto was a long-standing congress participant, Esper- antujo's internationality no longer amazed him: aside from regularly meeting Esperantists from all over the world, he also lived in an inter- national environment, teaching students and working with staff from various nationalities in California.

By contrast, Marie-Christine was attending the Universal Congress for the second time. Around 60 years old, she was a non-college-educated French pensioner who spent most of her life in the same small town in Bretagne. As the widow of an Englishman, Marie-Christine could speak French and English, but she was not fluent in Esperanto. Surpris- ingly, her accent in Esperanto made her sound more British than French: she and her husband learned Esperanto together at home, and the only accent in Esperanto she had regular access to was her husband's, which influenced her speaking. Due to her financial situation, she had to save money for a year to fund her first trip outside the European continent.

As usually happens at Universal Congresses, our conversation started around an ice breaker, with Alberto asking her 'El kiu lando vi venas?' (Which country do you come from?). Marie-Christine replied ^cEl

Francio' (From France), looking at my congress badge and exclaiming, also in Esperanto: 'Wait, your badge says "France" too! Are you French? You don't sound French'. Alberto, who already knew me, chuckled: 'Oh, these Brazilians... They are everywhere. And this one, specifically, happens to live in France'. Although Alberto spoke on behalf of the United States in the opening ceremony, his name, his Spanish accent in Esperanto and what Marie-Christine described as 'his look' hinted at his foreignness, which he explained: he was from Cuba, but had emigrated decades ago to the United States, where he found an academic job and raised his bilingual Spanish/English-speaking family.

Amazed by the national diversity constituting Esperantujo, Marie- Christine expressed her excitement:

After some time studying Esperanto, I decided to meet other people who could speak it, to try it in practice. Then, in 2015, I went to the Universal Congress in Lille. Wow! What an experience! It was a shock to me. There were people from all over the world. I felt myself to be a real citizen of the world there. I could talk to all these people; we could understand each other... It was amazing! That experience encouraged me to keep improving my skills in the language, and since then I've been attending congresses. [...] I really like the idea of Esperanto; the friendship, the peace, the possibility of mutual understanding.

Despite not sharing her point of view, having joined Esperantujo many decades before, Alberto understood her thrill, saying:

Yes, Esperantujo is very diverse, and we can see this diversity here, at the Universal Congress, maybe better than anywhere else. At first, we can think that we are all completely different, that we have nothing to do with each other, apart from speaking Esperanto. During a day at the congress, we may attend different meetings and events. But at some point, we also have to get together. At some point we all have to sit on the same

table to have lunch. And in these moments, while we share a meal, we chat, we exchange ideas, and this is what matters: we realise that we share something.

Esperantists are certainly not the only people who resort to nationality to locate and label people, nor do they form the only community built on national diversity. Yet unpacking such Esperantist practices enables us to grasp a particular way of building an international community from its participants' nationalities. At this point, it is worth recalling Patrice's argument, presented in the previous chapter: there is no real Esperantujo when there are only Frenchmen (meaning fellow nationals) in an Esperanto setting. In expressing and performing their nationalities through clothing, 'looks', accents and particular experiences, Esperan- tists juggle fellow Esperantoness and national Otherness, conveying the us/them binarism in a rather essentialist, but positive manner.

From what Alberto, Marie-Christine, the opening ceremony and the South Korean National Evening show, nationality here is not so much a matter of legal citizenship or of rights to hold a certain passport, but is mostly about country of origin and life experiences, knowledge and backgrounds to be shared and learned. Invoking someone's nationality acts as a way to learn more about the Other and to frame interactions in a diplomatic way, raising a topic that could be potentially significant and interesting for those involved in a conversation. Due to the very nature of such a focus, these topics are likely to reflect stereotypes and basic understandings of someone's national background, as was the case when Marie-Christine read 'France' on my congress badge and expected me to have a French accent, or when she expected Alberto to 'look' and 'sound' like someone from the United States.

When commenting on spatial and human relations around the socio- logical form of the 'stranger', Georg Simmel states:

For a stranger to the country, the city, the race, and so on, what is stressed is again nothing individual, but alien origin, a quality which he has, or could have, in common with many other strangers. For this reason, strangers are not really perceived as individuals, but as strangers of a certain type. (1971: 148)

Along these lines, national Others are often regarded among Esperan- tists as 'strangers of a certain type', as national selves, representatives and samples of typological/national varieties (Malkki 1994: 51). Liisa

Malkki (1994) discusses similar views of nationality when arguing that the Olympic Games and the Miss Universe pageant function as cere- monial arenas wherein individuals stand for their countries as national representatives. By the same token, Penelope Harvey (1996) analyses how internationalism is materialised via nationalism in her ethnography of the 1992 Universal Exhibition in Spain. At these world fairs, every participating country presents itself with its flag, the name of its capital city, a map, its anthem and with enactments of its 'national culture' through artistic performances, national garments and dances. In merging all these elements under the countries' names, the Universal Exhibitions treat 'nations', 'states' and 'countries' as synonyms (1996: 51—55).

In a similar vein, the Esperantist understanding of nationality depicts languages as a constitutive element of nationalities, further equating these with cultures. This makes room for a significant slip through which someone from a different linguistic background is presented as a national Other. In addition, one's country of origin and/or country of residence is by proxy associated with one's nationality. In a more substantial slip, all of these identitarian features collapse under the label 'country', as expressed on our congress badges. As conversations unfold during the congress, the controversies produced by the way these categories are equated become the centre of the cosmopolitan sociabilities at play.

The way these sociabilities unfold often draw near to practices of xenophilia. With participants from 61 countries—and with the Philip- pines and East Timor saluting the congress for the first time—more nationalities come to mean more differences to be bridged and more experiences to be brought together. As diversity in national form runs above everything else at the congress venue, Esperanto is the element that runs underneath, giving support to the cosmopolitan sociabilities in place and making sense of the congress' formal ceremonies and casual conversations.

Returning to the congress badges, among the information the badges display—the participant's full name, congress registration number and 'country'—the latter refers to one's country of residence, based on the address the person used to register for the congress. In this way, the participants often find themselves categorising each other according to the country on their badges, even though the place where they live may not necessarily be the one from where they derive their nationality.

As conversations take place in the day-to-day of such a congress, the entanglements of nationality, language, culture, country of origin and country of residence become problematised and disentangled. In trying to identify what Esperantists have to share once they share a meal, congress participants juggle what they have in common and what they do not, their common Esperantoness and their (preferable) national other- ness. At these moments, the features subsumed under the label 'country' on the participants' badges are dissociated, endorsing the fact that the boundaries between countries, cultures, nations and languages do not necessarily overlap (Eriksen 1992: 314). As our conversation over lunch revealed, Marie-Christines attempt to guess my nationality from the country displayed on my badge revealed a non-correspondence between the two 'countries' at stake—which she also noticed by my non-French accent. The same applied to her accent in Esperanto, which would place her as an English speaker due to her having practised Esperanto mostly with an English interlocutor.

Thus, differences in pronunciation, stress and vocabulary choice are loosely used as indexes of Esperantists' nationalities and mother tongues, as one's use of Esperanto often reflects these influences.[17] For instance, in a conversation in Esperanto between myself, a middle-aged French woman, an elderly English man and a young Japanese woman, in which we talked about where to go for dinner at the end of a day at the congress, there were three distinct ways of referring to the abundance of restaurants available in the local area. The French woman initially said ' oni povas trovi multajn restoraciojn ci tie' (based on the French form ' onpeut trouver plusiers restaurants ici'). The native speaker of English then remarked that he would have said it differently, as 'estas multaj restoracioj ci tie' (from the English 'there are many restaurants here'). Finally, the Japanese woman contributed to the discussion by saying 'multaj restoracioj trovigas ci tie' ( 'many restaurants find themselves here', with the verb in its reflexive form). Even though I could not analyse her sentence concerning the Japanese language, she noted that these distinct ways of saying 'the same thing' came from their ways of expressing themselves in their mother tongues.

Just as the influence of people's mother tongues on people's written and spoken varieties of Esperanto is usually praised as an indicator of the internationality of Esperantujo, differences in accents are also commented upon. If we take the word 'Esperanto', when pronounced in Esperanto, as an example: a native speaker of English (particularly in the case of people displaying certain American English accents perceived as 'strong') would be likely to place the stress on the penultimate syllable and to voice the 'r' as an alveolar approximant (j). A native speaker of French, by contrast, is more likely to place the stress on the last syllable and to voice the 'r' like a uvular fricative (x). These two forms are distinct from the standard in Esperanto, with the stress in the penultimate syllable and the 'r' voiced as an alveolar tap (r).

Analysing the use of the Corsican language, Matei Candea (2010: 132—133) illustrates how people from mainland France on Corsica had the habit of mixing Corsican pronunciation with French speech as a way to demonstrate a deep and long-term connection with the island. In Esperantujo, when trying to display ease with the language, Esperan- tists seek to speak in a way closer to what is conveyed as 'standard'. As they do this, other Esperantists in the same conversation derive pleasure from searching for the influence of their interlocutors' mother tongue(s) in the interlocutors' speech, as a way to infer their nationality from the way they speak Esperanto: while the speaker tries to hide it, the listener pays particular attention to it. These recurrent practices both cement and highlight the links between one's national and linguistic backgrounds.

Furthermore, particularities in phrasal construction and accents are frequently complemented by interjections that people, often unreflec- tively, utter in their mother tongues when speaking Esperanto. The best illustration of these is exclamations such as ben oui, bon and enfin among native speakers of French, and oh and ok, among English native speakers. Even though Esperanto has its interjections, these are rarely used in spontaneous reactions during a conversation.

Even though Esperanto has its recognised language standards, there is considerable room for manoeuvre. While hegemonic, national languages have authoritative rules on what is linguistically correct or incorrect (Jaffe 1993: 103), Esperanto and its speech community are presented as being more tolerant with 'mistakes' and appreciative of non-standard varieties—which are embraced as a constitutive feature of Esperantujos national diversity. This is carried out in practice by means of greater flexibility on how correctness and error are defined—as long as mutual intelligibility is not compromised. However, in cases where non-fluent speakers try to engage in meaningful conversations without having a developed command of the language, they commonly improvise by drawing on their prior linguistic knowledge, as I analyse in Chapter 5. When intelligibility is at risk or speakers want to erase doubts about the adequacy of a word during a conversation, Esperantists may resort to pocket dictionaries or online dictionaries on their mobile phones. However, I seldom saw people code-switching or seeking refuge in words in other languages during the Universal Congress, as this could compromise the frame established through the use of Esperanto.

Reaching back to our conversation over lunch, while my accent revealed that I was not French, something similar happened to Alberto: the way he pronounced his Rs and Bs, his 'look' and his name raised the possibility of the US representative at the congress not being a US national, which was confirmed when he said he was kubano, a Cuban national. The same happened with the representative of Luxembourg, who was actually a British national living in Luxembourg for many years and married to a French Esperantist. Paradoxically, despite him greeting the participants on behalf of Luxembourg, there were no Luxembourgers at the congress. As people shared a meal and chatted, they found in practice that the country displayed on their badges did not necessarily stand for their nationality—or country of origin, or culture or mother tongue. Similarly, the South Korean National Evening showed the audi- ence that Korean music goes beyond K-Pop, and the presentations about the Korean language, cuisine and history challenged the basic and essen- tialised knowledge that most non-Korean Esperantists held about South Korea.

In sum, encounters at international Esperanto meetings frequently revolve around a very Herderian notion of nationality and culture. Placed under the spotlight, national diversity becomes expressed through country of origin, country of residence, culture and language, as well as performed and reified through accents, ethnicity, clothing, musical preferences and certain experiences to be shared. Esperantists come to hold certain expectations about other Esperantists' nationalities by initially imagining these in a recognisable and stereotyped manner. Yet, Esperantists also know that such displays of national otherness may not be exactly as they previously imagined. In building Esperantujo's internationality from an assemblage of nationalities, Esperantists draw lines distinguishing nationalities so that they can later cross these lines and overcome this Herderian view. Through cosmopolitan sociabilities, national diversity comes to be better understood. Nonetheless, problems arise when, rather than nationalities, the Universal Congress becomes a stage for nationalisms.

4.6 On Behalf of Catalonia

At the opening ceremony, as the countries' greetings were coming to an end, Ferran saluted the congress on behalf of the Catalan Esperanto Association. This challenged the organisation of the event in a twofold manner. Firstly, only national Esperanto associations recognised by UEA have the right to join the country's greetings, and UEA's allegiance to the UN's and UNESCO's parameters for the recognition of sovereign states prevents the congress from acknowledging a Catalan representa- tive (UEA's current representative in that region is the Spanish Esperanto Association). Secondly, the tensions between Catalonia and Spain turned a celebration of national diversity into a political statement that clashed with Esperantos principles of creating a diplomatic, non-confrontational space. This led to criticism by UEA's committee members and other congress participants, both during the ceremony and afterwards, who did not welcome Ferran's stand. If building a community also entails estab- lishing social boundaries to distinguish its members from non-members (Barth 1969), Esperantujo too has its outsiders and contested insiders.

As this community revolves around a language, one of its most evident boundaries is drawn on language skills. Even though potentially anyone is welcome to learn the language and join the community, those who do not speak Esperanto are excluded from Esperantujo. Likewise, being an Esperanto learner but not being fluent in it can hinder one's partici- pation in the Universal Congress or one's ability to understand nuances in spoken and written exchanges in the language. Additionally, people who do not share the cosmopolitan principles that turn international Esperanto meetings into celebrations of national diversity—for instance, people likely to discriminate against certain nationalities—would not be welcome in Esperantujo. However, those displaying these traits would not likely show an interest in joining Esperantujo in the first place.

Well-known among Esperantists is also the figure of the strangulo, the 'crank' or 'weirdo'. As explained by Forster (1982), Esperantists often use this term to define fellow Esperantists seen as eccentric or odd, particu- larly when it comes to their ways of promoting Esperanto. Those who wear entirely green outfits covered with Esperanto stars, who insist that everyone must learn this language, or who convey an image of Esperanto as the ultimate solution for all the world's problems—a solution that would, alone, bring about universal peace—are often labelled as such. However, in transmitting an undesirable image of Esperanto to non- Esperantists, the weirdos represent a threat to the promotion of the language, more than to those who have already joined Esperantujo.

Yet, reaching back to the Catalan salute, the most controver- sial figure in Esperantujo is the one who brings up nationalities in contentious ways. Aside from greeting the congress participants, Ferran also customised his badge: it read Hispanio (Spain) before he scrib- bled over the country's name and wrote Katalunio (Catalonia) above it. As the French couple sitting behind me during the opening ceremony demonstrated, Ferran's way of showing his allegiance to Catalonia was widely contested and seen as inopportune. In spotlighting his 'country' through a political statement, rather than a display of his nationality, this act recalled nationalism and was perceived as hostility against Spain. Even though he had greeted particularly the Spanish participants in the congress, he did so on the condition that, by the following year, Catalonia would be recognised as independent.

This situation and its unfoldings reveal the scope and limits of Esperantos internationality. In building a community around national diversity, Esperantists establish recognisable and essentialised ideas of what certain nationalities entail and how they are so that, through the cosmopolitan sociabilities taking place in the Universal Congress of Esperanto (as well as in other Esperanto settings), they can over- come simplistic understandings of nationalities and see the complexity of the world through the first-hand experiences of national Others. In this way, classifying national Others as fellow Esperantists partially over- comes the us/them binarism, through the international communication that deliberately constitutes this community as a mosaic of nationalities.

To address the question of how this international community can be anchored in national elements, the answer seems to lie in which national elements are welcomed in the building of Esperantujo. Internationality is built on tension with different features that characterise nations: along these lines, internationality embraces and is made up of nationalities. Yet, unlike internationality, internationalism cannot be constituted of nationalisms, as these tend to be antagonistic projects with contradictory purposes. Whereas national diversity runs above the other elements that constitute Esperantujo, nationalism clashes with the internationalism that prevails among Esperantists.

In many ways, the valorisation of nationalities and the rejection of nationalisms set the tone of the Universal Congresses of Esperanto, as well as of other international events such as the Olympic Games, FIFA World Cups and the United Nations summits. Yet, if there are simi- larities in this sense, there are also clear differences: Esperanto forms a community that resists the end of the annual congresses. In addition, unlike these other events, Esperantujo places every congress participant at the core of the experience of the event, as if they were all athletes competing in the Olympics or government representatives speaking for their countries at the UN summit. As a grassroots community that seeks to involve each participant equally, Esperantujo and its enactments— the Universal Congress being one of them—place every conversation, every shared meal in the congress' canteen, at the core of what makes this community meaningful: the use of Esperanto to communicate national differences through cosmopolitan sociabilities.

In returning to their home countries, the participants of the 2017 Universal Congress of Esperanto would probably have learned something about the language, traditions and musical genres of South Korea, as well as about the political situation of the Korean Peninsula. Likewise, through sharing meals and chatting, some of them also learned about what it means to be a Cuban who emigrated to the United States, or about the Catalan claim for independence—or even about a Brazilian anthropologist who lived and carried out fieldwork in France.

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5

The Speech Community Against the Language Council: Vocabulary Choice, Authority and Standardisation in a No Man's Language

Paris, November 2016. As usual, a group of around twelve Esperantists gathered at the headquarters of SAT-Amikaro for their weekly debate in Esperanto. Having gone to the association on that cold Friday evening carrying cheese, wine and snacks to share with others, the participants were eager to discuss that evening's debate topic: technology, surveillance and freedom. Nonetheless, the expected debate on political issues would soon become a discussion on language.

During the debate at SAT-Amikaro, the participants shared their perspectives on an apparent paradox: while new technologies—from digital media to face recognition—create spaces for people to express themselves and feel safe, such technologies also limit people's freedom and make room for increasing censorship. Then, Reza—an Iranian Esperantist who was visiting Paris and joined the debate that evening— weighed in on how the United States had used drones in the Iranian airspace for unauthorised surveillance and data collection. As he explained, there had been issues between the Iranian and the US govern- ments due to the use of drones, leading to Iran accusing the United States of espionage at the UN Security Council in 2011. The debate

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participants showed surprise and interest in the topic, as this issue was unheard of for most of them. While people asked questions about the content of Reza's intervention, one of the queries, posed by Idris, contrasted with the previous debate: 'Speaking of which, how do we say drone in Esperanto?'.

Idris rightfully pointed out that drono—the word Reza used to refer to drone in Esperanto—is the noun stemming from the Esperanto verb droni, which, in English, means 'to drown'. Even though it does not seem to make sense to refer to drone as 'the object that drowns', from the context, people understood Reza's drono as he meant it. While Idris ques- tioned his interlocutors vocabulary choice, Reza exchanged glances with other participants sitting around the long table, hoping that someone would know the right word, utter it and allow him to continue what he was saying. However, Juliette—who was hosting Reza during his visit to Paris—smirked and suggested, with an ironic tone: 'Maybe it's droneo. Why not?' Disagreeing with the previous suggestions and calling for a more serious discussion on this, Alain noted: 'both drono and droneo sound like direct borrowings from English, like the word drone we use in French. This can't be right! There must be another word for it in Esperanto, a more international one!' As the participants interrupted the debate to join in a collaborative exercise of language creation, one might ask: why, instead of looking for an already existing word in a dictionary, were these people trying to come up with a new one?

Aside from short-lived, highly international spaces such as Universal Congresses and a number of online chats, the regular use of Esperanto in France takes place mostly in local meetings, language classes and debates held in restaurants, rooms at maisons des associations and headquarters of Esperanto associations. Unsurprisingly, these occasions often see polit- ical debates about varied themes turning into linguistic discussions about Esperanto morphology, lexicon, syntax, accents and language ideolo- gies, with controversies andnegotiations over vocabulary choice gaining prominence as topics frequently debated.

The creation of Esperanto preceded the invention of space shuttles, mobile phones and software. Likewise, when the first Esperanto book was launched, Sri Lanka was not called as such, anthropologists were not discussing avunculocal residence patterns and environmental justice was not yet a watchword in the West. After Zamenhof and the early Esperantists created vocabulary to designate things, abstractions, places and whatever else needed in Esperanto, a whole new world unfolded. With it, also a growing need to name things emerged, raising elemen- tary questions about the development of this constructed language: in everyday conversations, how can we refer to or describe matters we have no concepts for? If Zamenhof, the original linguistic authority, is dead, who is to determine, for instance, if drono is standard Esperanto, a neologism, part of a non-standard language variety or an error?

To address these points, this chapter uses the question 'how to say drone in Esperanto?' as a starting point to flesh out a series of approaches to language ideology, power relations, tensions and improvisations taking place when a constructed language becomes a living one through use. By twisting Marcus' methodological cue (1995), from following people, objects and stories to following the word—drone, in this case—I will take Esperanto as a standpoint from where to reflect on linguistic authority and ideology.

The chapter argues that, for not having native speakers and being based on deliberately loose linguistic authorities, Esperanto provides a productive space for us to trace the sources of authority at play. In handing the language as collective ownership to its speech community, Zamenhof gave up the existence of a centralised, unequivocal linguistic authority, thus placing inclusivity, equality and ease to learn at the heart of Esperantos language ideology. While Esperantists largely embrace this non-hierarchical approach under the guise of keeping the language welcoming, horizontal and relatively free from linguistic discrimination, communication also requires a certain level of stability and standardis- ation so that mutual understanding can be reached. Thus, in mapping out the interplay of the three competing principles at stake—which I call flexibility, internationality and primordiality—this chapter suggests that Zamenhof's strategy to distribute authority throughout the Esperanto speech community ended up turning language into a prime battle- field, where uttering words becomes inseparable from assuming political stances.

5.1 The Drowning Drone

To make sense of the language ideology and diverse principles at play, we first need to analyse some aspects of the origins of Esperanto. In 1887, as explained in Chapter 2, Zamenhof launched a booklet, orig- inally in Russian, nicknamed Unua Libro (First Book). This book was subsequently revised and published in a multilingual edition in Russian, French, English, German and Polish under the title Fundamento de Esperanto (Zamenhof 1905, hereafter Fundamento). It contained four parts: an introduction detailing the need for such a language, a grammar section with sixteen basic rules, a collection of exercises and a dictio- nary. Aside from this prototype of the language, Zamenhof also edited the Fundamenta Krestomatio de la Lingvo Esperanto (1903), a collection of short stories, poems, scientific articles and legends, aimed at building an initial corpus in the language and validating the rules he proposed. Similarly, he regularly wrote articles in the early Esperanto periodi- cals—among which, the texts later compiled under the title Lingvaj Respondoj (1910, Answers on Language Matters)—and gave speeches at the Universal Congresses taking place from 1905. On this note, several of his speeches were recorded and later deemed exemplary pronunciation samples.

However, after setting the grounds for his project, Zamenhof insisted on taking the back seat and leaving the development of the language in the hands of its emerging speech community. He was aware of the risks emerging from how Johann Martin Schleyer, another language creator, attempted to control the development of Volapuk. In the late 1880s, Schleyer was determined to retain his property rights over the language he created. Schleyer's interests then clashed with those of the Academy of Volapuk, which intended to make reforms to the language (Garvfa 2015). The perception that this clash was among the reasons for Volapuk's decline prompted Zamenhof to reject seeing constructed languages through the lens of copyright (Adelman 2014).[18]

In 1905, with the twofold purpose of protecting Esperanto and turning it from his intellectual property into a public good, Zamenhof drafted the Declaration on the Essence of Esperantism. Commonly referred to as Declaration of Boulogne, it was ratified during the first international Esperanto congress, at Boulogne-sur-Mer. In one of its much-quoted paragraphs, this declaration states that 'Because the author of the language Esperanto refused once and for all, right at the beginning, all personal rights and privileges in relation to that language, accordingly Esperanto is "nobody's property" [neniespropraĵo] either in material or in moral respects' (Zamenhof in Boulet 1905; English translation retrieved from Forster 1982: 90; Esperanto expression into brackets added).

While the Fundamento's grammar, exercises and dictionary laid the foundation for the language, the Fundamento\ introduction set the groundwork for the language ideology that would nurture Esperanto and justify its existence. Hence, we can argue that Esperantos language ideology, for being presented in the introduction before Esperantos grammar, preceded the language itself. As both the Fundamento's introduction and the Declaration of Boulogne convey Esperanto as a 'neutrally human language', 'for all peoples' and inherently 'international' (Zamenhof in Boulet 1905; English translation retrieved from Forster 1982: 89), these precursory works outline how Esperanto's language ideology rests upon a rhetoric that arises from the previously presented forms of cosmopolitanism and that posits Esperanto as a plural, inclusive and egalitarian language 'for all peoples'.

In this sense, voluntarily learning Esperanto also means assimilating the language's cosmopolitan orientation—which, at the linguistic level, is expressed in one's preference for vocabulary, expressions and pronun- ciation manners deemed inclusive and more egalitarian, expected to be understood by international audiences. If language ideologies are 'sets of beliefs about language articulated by users as a rationalization or justifi- cation of perceived language structure and use' (Silverstein 1979: 193), then Esperanto's ideology of plurality, inclusivity and egalitarianism was created (by Zamenhof) and is learned (by the Esperantists that followed) prior to the creation and learning of the language structure itself. This results in language ideologies playing a significant role in the use and development of language structures and forms (Silverstein 1979, 1985).

In the case of national and hegemonic languages, linguistic authority is often concentrated on fully-fledged language councils and similar bodies. These institutions include the British Council for the English language; the Academie fran^aise and the Alliance fran^aise for French; in the Spanish case, the Real Academia Espanola and Instituto Cervantes, as well as, for other languages, several organisations named after prominent nationals, such as Goethe, Dante and Camoes. Some of these bodies seek to stabilise the development of a language and ensure common standards to it, while others publish textbooks and dictionaries, as well as assess people's language skills through proficiency examinations. While national and hegemonic languages evolve organically through use, they are under the watchful eyes of such strong institutions whose authority regu- lates whether any specific language use or vocabulary choice is correct, erroneous or simply different from the norm.

In Esperantos case, both the Fundamentos introduction and the Declaration express a clear refusal of linguistic authority. Even though the Fundamento is deemed 'netusebla ('untouchable'; Zamenhof 1905: VI), both the Fundamento and the Declaration affirm that any Esper- antist is free to and has 'the right to express [oneself] in such manner as he thinks fit' (Zamenhof in Boulet 1905; English translation retrieved from Forster 1982: 90) in case the ideas they want to convey are not conveniently covered by the Fundamento\ grammar and dictionary. Concentrating the stabilisation of the language on a book, rather than on a person or institution, Zamenhof deemed his own writing and translating style as ' imitinda' ('imitable'), but not equally untouchable. Thus, although Zamenhof's position gave certain stability and direc- tion to language use, any reference to him is conveyed strictly as a prescribed ideal—a recommendation rather than a necessity, such that the Fundamento assumes, alone, the original position of official linguistic authority.

To decouple the creator's persona from linguistic authority, Zamenhof and other Esperantists founded, in 1905, the Lingva Komitato (Language Committee). Responsible for overseeing the evolution of the language, this committee was initially composed of 102 editors of Esperanto magazines and presidents of Esperanto associations. A higher commission within this committee, named Akademio, estab- lished the germ of what, in 1948, would officially replace the Lingva Komitato and become the Akademio de Esperanto (Lins 1974: 664— 669). The Academy of Esperanto fulfils its role to date by mediating between the authority of the Fundamento and the freedom of continuous language development fostered by Zamenhof. Composed of members nominated and elected by their peers, the Akademio issues recommen- dations regarding contentious language forms, registers and neologisms. Through regular e-mail exchanges and annual meetings, the Akademio takes a stand in major reforms, when the Fundamento appears at risk.[19]However, it normally refrains from intervening on everyday language use, thus showing its commitment to the organic, collaborative character that the Esperanto pioneers aimed to instil into the language.

Putting Esperanto and language creation into dialogue with anthropo- logical theory, Monica Heller (2017) argues that both anthropology and constructed languages are acts of imagining new worlds. As both attempt to make the strange familiar through bridging human differences, they experiment with ways of replacing violent nationalist competition and the brutality of cultural and linguistic imperialism with an imagined alternative world of mutual understanding, based on forms of sociality that transcend national and cultural specificities. Furthering Heller's claim, I argue that Esperanto allows not only to imagine, but also to prac- tice and experiment with alternative forms of communicating and using language. Just as any language, Esperanto grows and develops organically through use but, unlike hegemonic and more standardised languages, it invites us to take on board a horizontal, collaborative perception of language.

In this sense, Zamenhof deliberately left the inaugural Esperanto dictionary unfinished, encouraging its speech community to continuously develop vocabulary. Along the same lines, the Akademio's non-hegemonic stance facilitates the emergence of other actors and language users as potential linguistic authorities. In proposing the imagining of alternative worlds, Esperanto fosters a world meant to be plural, inclusive and more egalitarian, primarily at the linguistic level, making room for the multiplication of potential sources to be consulted in case of doubt on language use. As language emerges as a matter continuously under construction—and, therefore, controver- sial—it allows for people such as those gathered at SAT-Amikaro to spend time debating vocabulary choice, through an intricate process of collecting arguments pro and against each of the options available. Yet, for being collaborative and controversial, this process is not always truly democratic and horizontal.

Reaching back to the drone issue, Reza was clearly upset for not having been able to conclude his piece about the US drones in Iran. Puzzled by the turn the debate had taken, he started moaning about the Akademio's lack of action and authority:

There are a lot of new words in other languages that need to be translated into Esperanto. This work was supposed to be done by the Akademio — but they only meet once a year, which is not enough to update the

language. Take a look at how many words the Akademio has created in

the past few years! We need words in Esperanto, for instance, to refer to drone or tablet, but the Akademio doesn't do it...

As the discussion unfolded, Reza, Idris, Juliette and Alain seemed to have found a consensus on neither drono nor droneo. Alain, then, stood up and, ironically bowing his head before one of the dictionaries on the table, said: 'Let's check the PIV, our Bible!' Published by SAT, the Plena Ilustrita Vortaro (PIV, Complete Illustrated Dictionary of Esperanto) is the most popular monolingual Esperanto dictionary, first compiled in 1970 and regularly updated in its online and printed versions. Despite this dictionary's wide scope, after Alain consulted its 2005 printed edition, he could find neither drono nor droneo, meaning that either the PIV was not updated or that neither of those two options was appropriate. Meanwhile, Pascal (another debate participant) went to check the French-Esperanto dictionaries at the association's library, in a large bookcase at the back of the room where we were.

Before Pascal returned, Idris checked his mobile phone. As a computer scientist, he was duly familiar with online dictionaries and language apps of all kinds. Checking the online PIV, he could not find these words there either. He then consulted the multilingual, XML-based Reta Vortaro (Online Dictionary, whose abbreviation ReVo means 'dream'). Originally developed online in 1997 by a German Esperantist, ReVo is partially based on PIV but, as an open-source dictionary, anyone can contact its editor-developer and register to become a collaborator, providing versions of Esperanto words in other languages. Typing drono at ReVo, Idris could not find any result, but typing drone in French, he did find two options: droneo and spavo, followed by a definition, in Esperanto: 'The radical spav is an abbreviation of SenPilota Aera Veturilo (according to the English term UAV, meaning "unmanned aerial vehi- cle" [this expression was originally in English], or of SenPilota AViadilo [unmanned aeroplane]'.

After he read the definition out loud, the debate participants deliber- ated on which word they would stick to. Following Alain—who affirmed 'I still think droneo sounds a bit too English to be real Esperanto'—most people said 'you're right, I also prefer spavo'. Happy for being back to the conversation about US drones in Iran, Reza dismissed the need for this discussion, saying 'It doesn't really matter the word we use, as long as we understand each other! Speaking Esperanto is about being understood, not about sticking to linguistic specificities'. Idris and Juliette, however, insisted that they preferred to use spavo from that moment, which forced Reza to do the same for the rest of his narrative.

This metalinguistic exercise—when one uses language to debate language itself—is an ordinary activity, common among speakers of most languages. Nevertheless, what is remarkable in the case at stake is: why do Esperantists all too frequently attempt to create words, rather than looking for already existing ones? And why, subsequently, do they demo- cratically choose which word to use, instead of simply following the authority of the dictionary?

5.2 Determining Linguistic Authority Through Vocabulary Choice

Of course, corrections and uncertainty about vocabulary, as well as argu- ments about which word to use, are not exclusive features of Esperanto. Addressing concerns about linguistic imperialism, also users of other languages deploy neologisms to avoid the imposition of hegemonic languages on the concerned language. This matter gains prominence among speakers of regional languages in France. As a reaction against France's strong standard language ideologies—reinforced particularly since the seventeenth century, with the establishment of the Academie franijaise and the Port Royal grammar (Achard 1980; Connor 2019)— users of regional languages mobilise vocabulary as a resource to make their languages stand out from the hegemonic and standardising power of French.

Based on fieldwork on Corsica, Matei Candea (2010) describes how Corsican speakers strive to distinguish their language from French and Italian through the creation and dissemination of neologisms. Two of the examples Candea analyses are terms coined in the 1990s: the first is scagninu (derived from the Corsican scagnu, 'desk/drawer'), to refer to 'cassette tape' (metaphorically, as 'little drawer'). The second one is a word to rename 'television' as spichjafonu ('mirror-phone'). These two neologisms aimed to replace vocabulary that Corsicans had previously used in French, due to the lack of words to refer to these technologies in the Corsican language. Something similar takes place—not necessarily in a deliberate manner—regarding the French language. Terms such as cour- riel, atelier and en ligne, developed within the francophone community, occasionally replace Anglicisms like 'e-mail', 'workshop' and 'online'. To control the influence of foreign vocabulary, the Academie fran^aise formally recognises and gives preference to the French-inspired varieties of these terms. Additionally, as much as languages may be susceptible to intervention, they still develop organically, and some neologisms become more successful than others: while scagninu became widely used on Corsica, spichjafonu was not equally popular, which resulted in Corsicans continuing to use the French word television (Candea 2010: 124).

Neologism creation aimed at distinguishing a regional language from a hegemonic one also gains ground through names of places. In southern France, as Connor (2019) analyses, a major conflict arose between 2009 and 2011 regarding the bilingual signage identifying cities. When the council of Villeneuve-les-Maguelone installed a French-Occitan panel at the entrance of the town, a complaint was raised at the departmental administrative council against the mayor. Even though several places in Bretagne and Provence were installing bilingual signage since the 1980s, this case gained visibility because of claims that this town was originally named in French, never having had an Occitan name. This resulted in heated debates at the departmental court on whether the name Vilanova- de-Magalona, deemed not authentic, should stand alongside its French equivalent or not. As the debate unfolded, distinct language ideologies clashed: some in favour of French-only signage, others for bilingual signs only when the place had an 'original', 'authentic' name in the regional language and others backing the creation of an Occitan neol- ogism derived from French to strengthen the presence of Occitan in the region.

Conflicts over bilingual signage raise the issue of who has political rights and authority over a language, which also puts into question who can define what is authentic, right and wrong in language use. This becomes a core issue, for instance, in the Breton movement. As Maryon McDonald (1989, 1999) asserts, based on her field research in Bretagne in the 1980s, at least three groups regularly fought over who had authority over the Breton language. While most Breton native speakers were peasants who by and large had limited access to the French- medium education system, the Breton language movement was made up mostly of people who had been brought up and educated, often to university level, in French, having learned Breton as a second language (McDonald 1999). These Breton activists were primarily linguists from the universities of Rennes and Brest—which, in turn, held different perspectives about the language. In view of this, who had the right to decide what is right' or 'wrong' regarding language use, and who had the power to regulate neologisms? Ultimately, who were the key users of Breton entitled to speak on radio broadcasts and write dictionaries: its native speakers or its experts—and, if the latter, the ones from Rennes or Brest?

Returning to Corsica, the same issue of defining who holds linguistic authority becomes manifest via spelling contests, such as the one analysed by Jaffe (1996). Corsican spelling became systematically codified with the launch of the first Corsican spelling manual in 1971, which fostered language planning and standardisation. As spelling contests gained popu- larity and became broadcast on live TV in France, they became spaces where the competitors presented not only their contrasting views about norms and standards, but also their perceptions on language ideologies. While some language activists attempted to bring Corsican closer to French by showing how Corsican spelling could also be systematised, others wanted to keep Corsican away from French, evincing how the former is enriched by its varieties and lack of strict standards. In this way, competing over who is to make decisions on right and wrong spelling turns language into an arena of political negotiation.

From road signage and neologism creation to spelling contests, language ideologies play a role in shaping vocabulary, defining linguistic authority and developing a language over time. As Michael Silverstein (1979, 1985) argues regarding the evolution of the English language in the United States, the language ideologies that speakers exhibit mediate the variations that occur in language structure, eventually resulting in new standardisation processes. According to Silverstein's research on language and gender, the use of he as the gender-neutral pronoun in English became increasingly questioned in the late twentieth-century by feminist movements, which saw he as a linguistic symbol of patri- archalism and gender inequality. As a result, the growing rejection of the generic he in favour of 'he or she' and they brings about language change, more as a consequence of language ideologies than due to linguistic structural reasons. A similar phenomenon takes place in present-day Esperanto use, with the non-grammatical pronouns ri and sli emerging as gender-neutral alternatives to the gendered li (he) and si (she) (Cramer 2021).

Still regarding personal pronouns, Silverstein (1985) also analysed how Quakers in seventeenth-century England dismissed the English language system of polite deference expressed by the pronouns ye/you. The Quakers' religious doctrine gained expression as language ideology via the rejection of pronouns that mark deference, authority and hier- archy in favour of the pronouns thee/thou—which express familiarity and equality. If, as the Quakers assert, all people are equal before God, all people should also be equal before language.

With vocabulary choice and neologism creation revealing who holds authority over a language and which language ideologies are at stake, ordinary conversations become prime locations from where to analyse language change. In Esperanto, communicative exchanges—from forums on digital media to debates at SAT-Amikaro—evince significant leeway for negotiation on language use. Through exploring ethnographically how Esperanto speakers gather in a room—surrounded by dictionaries and grammar books—and discuss which words are more suitable to refer to unfamiliar objects and themes, we see several actors emerging as potential linguistic authorities. As a consequence, language arises as a controversial, ever politicised matter, in which nearly every speaker can have a say and contribute to its development.

5.3 Who Holds the Power When

the Original Authority Is Dead? The Principles of Flexibility, Internationality and Primordiality

Just as in numerous Western languages, disputes over who has the authority to create and disseminate new words also take place in Esperanto, and the debate revolving around drone, droneo, senpilota aviadilo and spavo illustrates this. Effectively, as research on other languages has shown, vocabulary choices are intrinsically linked to language ideologies. Analysing the competing principles that orient this language's ideology will enable us to flesh out how standards and percep- tions of right and wrong regarding vocabulary choice are defined in a language whose original authority—its creator—is dead.

Expanding the organicist approach to languages, Zamenhof designed Esperanto to be turned from an 'artificially' constructed language into a living one by making room for vocabulary to be negotiated on a regular basis. In what I call theprinciple of flexibility, this linguistic trait works to make Esperanto accessible and inclusive. As a way of opposing linguistic discrimination, the principle of flexibility empowers speakers to develop Esperanto through use, as an open-source code/language, whose development lies in the speech community's continuous collab- oration and language co-production. This principle is responsible for the perception that, in proposing words to describe technological devices not yet named in Esperanto, for instance, any speaker is potentially enti- tled to contribute to language development. Even though such flexibility must—and does—have limits, it is loosely defined by language compre- hension: flexibility and improvisation allow the conversation to continue as long as the interlocutors understand each other and their offhand vocabulary, even though they may not be sure about the correctness of a given word or expression. This is the principle that Reza attempted to resort to when uttering drono at the debate.

However, as in numerous Western languages, there are also criteria and mechanisms to make Esperanto stable and coherent, such as corrections and repairs, without which an ever-changing language could neither be effectively learned nor enable real understanding.

Through practices of correction and repair (Macbeth 2004; Netz et al. 2018), classrooms—particularly conversation classes—emerge as spaces where Esperantos flexibility is accommodated within the policing of correctness. In Esperanto courses for beginners and intermediate students at SAT-Amikaro, teachers regularly encourage learners to participate in discussions and form sentences since the first classes. In doing so, teachers place language improvisation at the core of their pedagogy, while also highlighting when a given improvisation attempt is mistaken. Frequently highlighting that French Esperanto speakers must keep the Chinese and Japanese Esperantists in mind when they use the language, these teachers often remind their students of Esperanto's inclusive language ideology and cosmopolitan orientation: 'if we use this specific word or pronounce this with such French accent, would Chinese Esperantists understand what we are saying? If not, we may need to reconsider this'.[20] Having learned Esperanto at SAT-Amikaro, Alain applied a similar logic when pointing out to his interlocutors that drono and droneo were 'too French to be real Esperanto'.

Just as language classes, also learning resources (such as prescrip- tive grammars) enable tracing which vocabulary choices and language uses are perceived as right and wrong.[21] Likewise, the development of Esperanto vocabulary relies partly on corpora and dictionaries such as the Esperanto-French, French-Esperanto and monolingual dictio- naries constantly present on the table during SAT-Amikaro's debates, surrounded by wine bottles, cheese and snacks. Such dictionaries are complemented by technical ones oriented towards construction workers, chemists, railway workers and other experts, as well as pocket and online dictionaries. Additionally, as formal mechanisms to reinforce perceptions of correctness regarding vocabulary choice, pronunciation, prosody and writing style, UEA holds, within the scope of the Universal Congresses, the well-established Belartaj Konkursoj (Literary Contests) and Oratoraj Konkursoj (Oratorical Contests). UEA also supports the organisation of KER-Ekzameno, the Esperanto language proficiency exam in accordance with the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages. Certainly, these materials and formal standardisation mechanisms hold certain linguistic authority, but they do not always form a coherent whole, nor are they free from controversies—which results in two further competing principles.

On the one hand, there is what I call the principle of internation- ality. For Esperanto to be easily learned and understood by many people around the world and, thus, conveyed as fairer and more egalitarian than hegemonic languages—as its supporters often claim—its root words must be as 'international' as possible. This is the principle that steers Esperanto language teaching at SAT-Amikaro, with the aim of urging French people to use Esperanto in a way that could be easily understood by, for instance, Asian Esperantists. In addition to this, as an interna- tional language, Esperanto standards are not to be attached to particular national standards, so that an international vocabulary neither sounds nor reads 'too English' or 'too French', as put by Alain. Without calling it such, the principle of internationality was outlined by Zamenhof as the Fundamento's fifteenth rule:

The so-called 'foreign' words, i.e. words which the greater number of languages have derived from the same source, undergo no change in the international language, beyond conforming to its system of orthog- raphy. Such is the rule with regard to primary words, derivatives are better formed (from the primary word) according to the rules of the international grammar, e.g. teatr'o, 'theatre,' but teatr'a, 'theatrical' (not teatrical'a), etc. (1905: 11)

While the principle of internationality privileges roots and neologisms stemming from European origins, it often clashes with another principle, also resulting directly from Zamenhof's pen: that of primordiality.

The Fundamento (particularly its 2,700-word dictionary), book of proverbs, Fundamenta Krestomatio and several original and translated poems, novels and other foundational texts provided Esperanto with a plethora of root words that, for many Esperanto speakers, suffice to make for a fully-fledged language. As per the Fundamento\ grammar, Esperanto is agglutinative and allows users to borrow words from other languages as needed, provided that they borrow one basic root and derive related vocabulary from it. Thus, rather than having vocabu- lary stemming from different roots from the same lexical field—such as house, building, mansion, mayor and city hall—residence-related words in Esperanto, for instance, would derive from the same root, dom: domo, domaro, domego, urbestro and urbodomo.

According to the foreword to the Fundamento\ Universala Vortaro (Universal Dictionary), 'everything written in the international language

Esperanto can be translated by means of this vocabulary' (Zamenhof 1905: 84). I call this the principle of primordiality, which consists of acknowledging that Esperanto is a living language with an evolving vocabulary, but whose vocabulary should be kept as close as possible to the primordial root words originally introduced by Zamenhof. This involves maximising agglutination and vocabulary development while minimising the addition of new root words, so that the Universala Vortaro—deemed as untouchable as the other sections of the Funda- mento—can continuously meet the needs of Esperantos growing lexical provision.

As technology requires constant vocabulary updates to name new things, it gives us an interesting entry point to explore the functioning of the three competing principles at play. Senpilota aviadilo and its shorter form, spavo, are the result of agglutination of the preposition sen (without) + the root pilot- + the adjective ending -a, followed by the root aviad- (meaning to fly an aircraft) + the suffix -il- (indi- cating a tool/instrument) + the noun ending -o. Hence, spavo more closely relates to the principle of primordiality, as a 'purely Esperanto' compound of fundamental root words listed in the inaugural Esperanto dictionary. Droneo, in turn, illustrates the principle of internation- ality: rather than stemming from fundamental Esperanto root words, it builds upon the English-derived, more internationally recognised drone. However, whereas the English word drone refers to male bees and aircrafts, the Esperanto root word dron- refers to the act of drowning. By contrast, drono elegantly depicts the principle of flexibility, which is about simply and quickly adapting the original English and French word drone—known by all the debate participants—to Esperanto, without much effort to make it correct, and based on the hope that the inter- locutors at stake will understand the meaning of what is being said.

Such as speaking scagninu (in Corsican) or bande magnetique (in French) to refer to cassette tape entails choosing which language ideology to endorse on Corsica, also selecting vocabulary in Esperanto according to these three competing principles involves approaching Esperantos language ideology differently. According to the supporters of internation- ality and flexibility, spavo is too hazy for Esperanto beginners, who are likely not to fully grasp the abbreviated form of an agglutinative word that requires speakers to know several root words. Droneo, in turn, is perceived by its opponents as too European to be readily understood by those who do not have a European language as their first language. Mean- while, drono raises controversies for being a direct borrowing, which may enable immediate intelligibility, but at the expense of the structure and certain stability of the language.

The same controversy applies to other new technologies not named by Zamenhof, whose attempts to name I followed during my research: should one refer to tablet computer in Esperanto through the more Zamenhof-inspired terms platkomputilo ('flat computer'), tabulkomputilo ('board/slate computer') and komputileto ('small computer')? Or perhaps through the more offhand, flexibly drawn from English tableto (whose literal meaning is 'small table')? How about the English word software, which is alternatively referred to in Esperanto as the Funddmento-fr\en&y programaro (the assemblage of programmes used to run computers and other electronic devices, stemming from the Esperanto root word program- + the morpheme -ar- indicating a collective noun + the noun ending -o) or the more international softvaro, which combines root words not originally existent in Esperanto, but which remains closer to the more widespread English word?

Certainly, the issue of vocabulary choice—and the language prin- ciples and approaches to ideology arising from it—is not restricted to technologies, being also illustrated, for instance, by the word for hospital. Zamenhof originally suggested malsanulejo, a compound made up of the prefix mal- (indicating opposition/absence of) + the root word san ('health') + the morpheme -ul- ('person', 'individual') + the suffix -ej- ('place') + the noun ending -o. Over the years, through language variation and use, the 'place for those who lack health' gained two synonyms: the less frequently used kuracejo—the root word kurac ('heal') + -ej- ('place') + the noun ending -o, thus 'healing place'—and the more recent form, less agglutinative and sounding more international, hospitalo—hospital followed by the noun ending -o.

The same applies to the primordial form maljuna—mal (absence of/opposite of) + jun ('youth') + the adjective ending -a, thus 'young [person]'—which, over time, became sometimes referred to by English- speaking and Dutch-speaking Esperantists as olda, directly derived from the English old or the Dutch oud. Such vocabulary controversies also gain ground, sometimes jokingly, in translations of places' names: would the 'correct' Esperanto name for the city of Liverpool be Liverpool (kept in the original, truer to the Fundamento, which did not rule on personal names and places' names), Liverpoolo/Liverpulo (more international, in either a literal or phonetic adaptation, deriving from the English word followed by the noun ending) or, as I once heard as a joke among British Esperantists, Hepatbaseno (a root-by-root translation, composed of hepato, 'liver' + baseno, 'pool', 'basin')?

Interestingly, the competing principles on which the development of Esperanto is based—flexibility, internationality and primordiality— were, in a way, originally outlined by Zamenhof himself.[22] Nurturing a language ideology that places Esperanto's raison d'etre in its learn- ability, inclusivity and egalitarianism, however, these competing princi- ples constitute ways to find a balance between two sensitivities. On the one hand, the perception that Esperanto must be as accessible and easy- to-learn as possible to potential speakers from across the world; on the other hand, the perceived need for the language to be complex enough to enable people to talk about any subject and express nuances of all sorts. To allow the language to evolve while being simultaneously easy to learn and complex to use, the language ideology behind Esperanto— which takes the form of the three principles outlined above—draws on the refusal of a clear linguistic authority. While groups of Breton native and non-native speakers—as well as Corsican spelling competi- tors—fight for authority over their languages, prominent Esperantists seem to fight against being seen as authoritative figures. Along these lines, Zamenhof refused to be Esperanto's owner and sole authority, transferring the rights over his language to its speech community, and the Akademio refrains from interfering in conflicts over everyday usage, taking action only when wider structural issues in Esperanto are at stake. By the same token, the foreword to the 2002 issue of the PIV outlines that Eugene Lanti (PIV's idealiser) did not expect this dictionary to be perfect, complete or authoritative, but simply useful to Esperanto users (Waringhien 2002 [1968]: 5), and Bertilo Wennergren (member of the Akademio, author of PMEG and main editor of PIV's 2020 issue) stated that, despite his powerful, prescriptive influence over the language, he does not want to be perceived as, in his words, 'the green Pope' (green being the colour that symbolises Esperanto) (Wennergren 2020).

The absence of an unequivocal linguistic authority leads to occa- sions such as the opening vignette, in which discussions in Esperanto are interrupted by discussions about Esperanto. Yet, the three principles presented above, as contrasting as they might be, help balance easiness and complexity in Esperanto. Reinforcing the ideology that posits this language as more inclusive and egalitarian than hegemonic and more standardised languages, the power over the Esperanto language is more distributed within its speech community. In this fashion, every language users' vocabulary choice is, potentially, also a political choice that makes using the language a political statement on how to continuously build Esperanto as an accessible and open-source language.

5.4 Defining Right and Wrong: The Re-Politicisation of Language

The Esperanto Wikipedia, just as online dictionaries and YouTube videos, brought more dynamism and variation to neologism creation and vocabulary choice in Esperanto, with the collaborative functioning of these platforms opening new venues for metalinguistic debates. Unsur- prisingly, the issue around how to say drone was also raised on the internationally diverse, 22-thousand-member group Esperanto on Face- book. In June 2020, a Brazilian Esperantist posted on the group the photo of a drone, asking how to refer to it. Within a couple of weeks, 16 people reacted to his question, triggering a total of 28 replies, all of them in Esperanto. The first reply comprised a link to Vikipedio, the Esperanto language Wikipedia, saying 'Vikipedio suggests either spavo or droneo'. The author of the thread followed, attaching a screenshot from the online dictionary ReVo and saying 'thanks. I prefer "droneo"'. His answer met the disapproval of another group member: 'This is not a good proposal. I don't understand why we need to have neologisms directly derived from English'. Another person—who had the photo of PIV's cover as his profile picture—also dismissed droneo, stating that this word 'is not in accordance with the Fundamento (ne estas funda- menta)', to which another group member retorted: 'it surely is, for the same reason why there is not only the word "piedpilko" ['foot' + ' ball' + the noun ending], but also "futbalo". It is in line with Fundamento's

rule 15'.

As the thread unfolded, further suggestions followed: flugroboto ('flying robot'), helikoptereto ('small helicopter'), flugmaSSino ('flying machine'), flugfotilo ('flying camera'), until another group member wrote: 'don't forget about the Akademio, whose function is, among others, precisely to come up with new words that adhere to the rules of Esperanto'. His evocation of the Akademio's authority, however, did not put an end to the debate: another participant added 'Once I heard a Chinese friend using "spavo"', while others continued suggesting alternatives and stating which word they preferred.

Similar controversies regarding vocabulary choice are also manifest, though in less dynamic ways, in online collaborative dictionaries. Unlike dictionaries compiled by a particular editor or institution, collaborative dictionaries are made up of contributions of ordinary language users. In this sense, websites such as Tatoeba and Glosbe offer translations of words from and into several languages followed by example sentences. These websites are constantly updated and expanded by their users: anyone can register to become a collaborator and suggest more transla- tions and example sentences. Most importantly, these databases enrich the language, mostly on the basis of the influence of the collabora- tors' mother tongues. For instance, in the Esperanto-English version of Tatoeba, the English noun sink is often translated as lavujo ('washing container') or lavkuvo ('washing vessel'), while in its Esperanto-French version, even though some example sentences also point to lavujo, most of them list lavabo as the Esperanto translation of the French lavabo.

The Internet provided a space for new linguistic authorities to emerge. Alongside grammarians, members of the Akademio, dictionary editors, language teachers, proofreaders, writers, members of UEA's executive committee, radio broadcast presenters and singers, also YouTubers and those who regularly post on Esperanto channels on social media and instant messaging apps become often perceived as model language users, with their texts, voice messages and videos setting a precedent and standards that come to influence language use.

On online groups and conversations, it is common to see Esperanto speakers asking others to point out their language mistakes. Addition- ally, there are frequent unrequested corrections and repairs, from people interrupting both written and spoken chats to highlight someone else's or one's own mistakes. Presenting itself as more flexible when compared to hegemonic languages, Esperanto is not, however, free from the policing of correctness. Yet definitions of right and wrong are relatively loose, on the grounds of Esperanto being 'no one's language'. Kathryn Woolard (2016) analyses how ideologies of linguistic authority in Catalonia resonate with conceptions of Spanish versus Catalan belonging. By contrast, Esperanto's language ideology conveys this language not as belonging to a given ethnic or national group: being no one's language comprises being potentially anyone's, this being the basis of the percep- tions of fairness, inclusiveness and egalitarianism that sustains Esperantos language ideology.

As discussed before, Esperanto counts speakers-from-birth, who are raised in Esperanto-speaking households and have Esperanto as one first language among others (Miner 2011). However, the linguistic compe- tence of these speakers—called [Esperanto-] denaskuloj, the [Esperantist] from birth—does not decide on language standards (Fiedler 2012). Unlike native speakers of ethnic languages, speakers-from-birth are not raised in an entirely Esperanto-speaking environment, such that Esperanto is never their one and only first language. In the face of the absence of unequivocal norm-providing language users, rather than leaning on a strengthened language council or adhering strictly to dictio- naries and corpora, Esperanto language practices and ideology developed mechanisms to refuse the establishment of a rigorous linguistic authority. As a consequence, this makes room for vocabulary choices and colloquial registers emerging from the influence of one's first language, nationality or age to be commonly conveyed as the outcomes of language variation, rather than as mistakes. As specimens of language variation, such registers are equally accepted in formal settings, such as opening speeches at Universal Congresses and documents issues by UEA and SAT.

In a ground-breaking ethnographic study on political power and social organisation among indigenous peoples in South America, Pierre Clas- tres (1989) argues that several indigenous groups lack a state apparatus. Yet, this is so not because they are incapable of organising centralised power structures, but because they deliberately develop mechanisms against state formation. Along comparable lines, the language ideology that precedes, grounds and justifies Esperantos existence takes shape through practices that set the speech community against the language council, thus actively preventing the emergence of an incontestable and centralised authority. Therefore, despite the existence of dictionaries, prominent Esperanto users and the Akademio, there is still room for the continuous emergence of debates on which word to choose during a discussion about drones.

The three competing principles outlined here are what enable Esperanto to take shape, to the eyes and ears of its speakers, as an accessible, egalitarian, fairer and more inclusive language. As language is rendered consistently negotiable and open for grabs, Esperanto is constantly (re)politicised, which establishes a relatively democratic space open for linguistic controversies and conflicts to arise. By pursuing more horizontal forms of communication, Esperantos language ideology empowers users to continuously contribute to language development and gives them opportunities to suggest the use of one word instead of another, thus expressing themselves more freely, without neces- sarily being judged as 'bad language users'. In this sense, Esperanto (re)politicises intercultural communication, encouraging people to think about the role of language, mutual understanding and equality when using the language in both its written and spoken forms. However, instead of complementing each other, the three principles that enable this inclusive approach often compete with each other, which makes this speech community a linguistic battlefield for both supporters of the fundamental language and all kinds of reformers.

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6

On Moving and Standing Still: The Social Movement from the Standpoint of an Esperanto Association

In the late 1930s, the Generalitat de Catalunya produced posters and other visual materials urging Esperantists from across the world to join the Catalans in their fight against fascism (Fig. 6.1). Moreover, in 1936, the organising committee of the Barcelona Popular Olympics prepared Esperanto signage and trained volunteers to communicate with visitors and guide them through the sports competition in Esperanto— before the Games were called off because of the Spanish Civil War. In the following decade, the 1949 Congress of the World Non-National Esperanto Association (SAT) would gather more than 1,000 left-wing activists in Paris to debate politics in Esperanto. In addition, in 1955, the association SAT-Amikaro designed one of the most emblematic portrayals of Esperanto as a left-wing political cause. Imprinted in a poster that gained the world, this depiction consolidated an image of Esperanto as a proposal to break communication barriers between workers of the world (Fig. 6.2).

In 2016, however, when I began my research on the connections between Esperanto and political activism, this vibrant scenario seemed to have changed. From the comfort of my armchair in Manchester, England, I found that the Facebook pages of the left-wing Esperanto

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive 151

licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 G. Fians, Esperanto Revolutionaries and Geeks, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030- 84230-7_6

 

Fig. 6.1 Poster saying, in Esperanto: 'What are you doing to stop this? Esper- antists of the world, put your strength against international fascism' (Source Comissariat de Propaganda de la Generalitat de Catalunya, c.1936. Available at the US Library of Congress, Washington D.C.)

 

Fig. 6.2 Poster in French, encouraging workers of the world to come together and break down the language barriers that keep them apart (Source SAT- Amikaro, c.1955. Available at the archives of SAT-Amikaro, Paris) associations SAT and SAT-Amikaro were not regularly updated and very few users interacted with their content. The associations' websites were likewise outdated and their mailing lists seemed rather inactive. In addi- tion, SAT-Amikaro's latest congress had taken place in 2013, despite their tradition of holding annual congresses since the association's foundation.

After over 130 years of existence, Esperanto is recurrently referred to as an unsuccessful utopian project or as a language with univer- salist claims that is no longer spoken. Esperanto nevertheless continues to count relentless and numerous supporters, who regard it as a living language that offers people an alternative way of communicating and engaging with progressive politics, enabling its speakers to build a better future through activism. Seen from this standpoint, Esperanto appears as a cause oriented towards the future. However, between a failed project circumscribed to the past and a future-oriented movement for more egal- itarian and fairer communication, what is the place of Esperanto in the present, where these conflicting notions of past and future materialise simultaneously?

Local and national Esperanto clubs and associations are, historically, core places where people come across the language on a rather regular basis. Beyond the occasional and extraordinary Universal Congresses, associations reveal the ordinary, everyday use of the language. Analysing what Esperantists do with Esperanto when they are not materialising the short-lived 'real Esperantujo' in their encounters with national diversity, this chapter explores how members of the Esperanto community and activists for the Esperanto movement juggle perceptions of past, present and future in their engagements with the language.

This discussion revolves around how the Esperanto movement, in connection with other social movements, may both advance Esperanto and use the language as a tool to strategically promote other social and political causes. This chapter particularly examines Esperantists' expecta- tions about the success of their activism and their hopes for its future, as well as their counterparts: the fear of failure and despair when the outcomes they envisage seem to be frustratingly out of reach. To explore these issues ethnographically, I draw on the dynamics of the Esperanto association SAT-Amikaro, focusing on its headquarters in Paris, where activism for Esperanto is carried out in conjunction with wider stances of left-wing and progressive activism. By editing periodicals and organ- ising weekly debates about issues such as work and living conditions in the contemporary world, environmentalism, French elections and Euro- pean federalism, the activities held by SAT-Amikaro bring to the fore a number of questions: how to advance Esperanto alongside traditional left-wing politics, namely through stances related to party politics, trade unionism, anarchism and communism? How can the language play a role in supporting such political groups and causes in practice? Furthermore, what is the point of talking politics in an international language in a local context, among people who mostly share the same mother tongue?

Focusing on how volunteers and long-standing members of SAT- Amikaro engage with the seeming decline of Esperanto as a tool for political activism, this chapter analyses how Esperantists grapple to advance the language as a relevant cause at a time when traditional left- wing stances related to communism, pacifism and anarchism seem to lose ground in France. I argue that Esperantists' practices and discourses about the past and future enable us to grasp, through ethnography, how their yearnings for the success of Esperanto aim not at a farfetched future, but at everyday, ordinary accomplishments. In a dialogue with anthro- pological scholarship on social movements and temporal reasonings, this ethnographic material challenges the theoretical perception that conveys the present as a field of action, since here the present appears partially deprived of its potential to provoke changes, amidst activists who regard the language's apparent stability as a sign of stagnation of their cause.

6.1 MoveForward!

It was a Friday afternoon in late February 2016 when I first travelled from Manchester to Paris to visit the associations in which I was plan- ning to conduct my field research. Among the Esperanto associations headquartered in Paris, I was especially interested in two of them: SAT and SAT-Amikaro. The former, the Sennacieca Asocio Tutmonda (World Non-National Esperanto Association), founded in 1921, is a working class-oriented association that uses Esperanto as its working language. SAT's main purpose is to create an international forum to enable debates on social and political issues from diverse viewpoints seen as progres- sive. SAT presents itself as kleriga ('educational', 'instructive') rather than action-oriented, promoting the exchange of ideas in a broadening, non- dogmatic way (Forster 1982: 192-193; Garvfa2015: 123-124). Created in 1945 and linked to SAT, SAT-Amikaro (Amikaro meaning 'Fellow- ship') aims to spread the word about the language and about SAT's international forum in milieus d'avant garde in francophone countries, working in both French and Esperanto.[23]

In anticipation of my exploratory trip to Paris, I had e-mailed members of SAT and SAT-Amikaro, hoping to meet them and nego- tiate my presence there as an ethnographer. I arranged to meet Jakov, the president of SAT's executive committee, in a cafe next to SAT-Amikaro's headquarters, and received replies from other members who would be at the association that afternoon.

I arrived at SAT-Amikaro just before 3 p.m. Located in the 13th district of Paris, the association was in the vicinity of the so-called Chinese neighbourhood, facing subway line 6's Nationale station. A large panel in the faijade of the modest building read 'Esperanto Langue Interna- tionale', easily visible to anyone passing by and positioned just above a large window display that made most of the office visible from the outside. Externally, it resembled a bookshop, with shelves with books for sale located close to the window display. Behind the shelves, there was an office, with a desk and a computer, surrounded by leaflets and advertise- ment banners, as well as merchandise (mostly books, CDs, DVDs and Esperanto-themed pins and t-shirts). Beside the desk was a long table, around which meetings, debates and language classes took place. At the back of the shop-like premises, in a corner that could not be seen from the outside, there was a small kitchen—where the members prepared coffee, tea and snacks for the meetings—sided by three bookcases that formed the library.

When I came in, two men—Dominique and JoPo—were chatting in French near the desk. I greeted them, introduced myself in Esperanto and they immediately code-switched. They were among those who had answered my e-mail a couple of days earlier. Wearing an Esperanto- themed cap,[24] JoPo (an Esperanto nickname for Jean-Paul) immediately welcomed me and asked how my trip had been. He was about 60 years old and spoke Esperanto with a remarkable French accent, noticeable by the way he thrilled the 'r' and tended to stress the last syllable of Esperanto words, rather than the second last. Dominique, by contrast, clearly mastered the language and showed enthusiasm about my visit. Being about 70 years old, bald, skinny, wearing worn-out clothes and describing himself as a sympathiser of libertarian socialism, his profile suggested that he might have been from a working-class back- ground, which would confirm the class-based image associated with SAT-Amikaro.

After the introductions, I told them about my intention to study the everyday functioning of SAT-Amikaro. JoPo laughed discreetly, for reasons I would understand later, and promptly changed the topic of the conversation to ask me about my first impressions of Paris. As I asked about the dynamics of the headquarters, Dominique regretted that not much had been happening there lately:

Our association has been losing members. La SAGo [SAT-Amikara Gazeto], our bimonthly magazine, is no longer published due to financial issues and due to the lack of people willing to edit it. In its last issue, there was a survey about what to do to face these problems of the lack of money and of a decreasing membership.

Dominique bent down to sift through a pile of papers behind the desk and then handed me the magazine issue with the survey he had mentioned. The survey to be answered by the members was based on a multiple-choice question with three options: (1) to interrupt the activities that were not working properly (such as congresses and the magazine); (2) to continue the functioning of the association as it was;

and (3) to shut down SAT-Amikaro (in this case, all its assets would be transferred to SAT). Wiping his hand across his forehead, Dominique explained that most members voted for the second option:

If members want to keep things as they are, everybody will have to work harder and this is going to require everyone's effort, of course. But I don't know... We used to have more members, but nowadays people are no longer interested in joining Esperanto associations...

Dominique mentioned that SAT holds international congresses every year—that year, it would take place in Germany. Yet, when I asked about SAT-Amikaro's congresses, JoPo chuckled and said: 'this question shouldn't be asked! SAT-Amikaro hasn't been holding congresses lately because, you know, not many people are willing to organise them'. I then understood why JoPo had laughed before: I was interested in following the everyday functioning of an association that, from his perspective, was not functioning well.

Some minutes later, a third person arrived: the 25-year-old Yassine, of Algerian origin, born and raised in Paris. He straightened his glasses and greeted me in French, right before Dominique and JoPo introduced me to him in Esperanto. An intermediate Esperanto speaker, Yassine was there to teach a beginner course to a class of only one student, who eventually did not show up that day. While JoPo prepared coffee for the four of us, Dominique explained to me that Esperanto courses at SAT-Amikaro were free of charge, but that one must be a member of the association to participate as a student. While the annual membership fee in previous years had been Ђ35, that year it costed Ђ14, since members no longer received the magazine La SAGo, by then the flagship product offered by association membership. Since no one was coming to attend Yassine's class nor to buy products from the associations bookshop, we all finished our coffee and left so that Yassine could lock up after us. Walking on the same direction, JoPo and I continued our chat on our way to Place d'Italie.

Eager to learn more about the association's political stances, I spoke to JoPo about what I had read on SAT-Amikaro's history. After silently listening to me, JoPo said:

Some years ago, a former president of SAT-Amikaro was an important member of the Parti communiste fran^ais, and maybe the connec- tions between the association and the party were stronger at the time. But things are changing, and I would say that many new association members — say, from the 2000s onwards — are not communists or anarchists, so... I don't know.

Both JoPo and Dominique had been members of SAT-Amikaro for decades and experienced first-hand the emptying of its activities, which also turned them into core players of the association's history. Towards the end of our walk, we passed by the office of the Association des Amies et Amis de la Commune de Paris 1871. JoPo pointed his finger at it and said: 'Back in the day, this association and SAT-Amikaro used to spread the news about each other's activities and to encourage joint association membership, but I don't think SAT-Amikaro's executive committee still collaborates with them... '

JoPo had to head home and showed me the way to the place where I would meet Jakov in a few minutes. Even though Dominique and JoPo had been welcoming and friendly, they did not seem very enthusiastic about what I was planning to do at SAT-Amikaro—not because they did not want me around, but because they seemed to consider my research there a waste of my time. According to them, there had not been much happening at the association, as it had been losing members and many of their fundamental activities had become poorly attended or had been discontinued. In their view, I was about to study the dynamics of some- thing that, in contrast to JoPo's 'Antauen' cap, was not exactly dynamic, to approach the Esperanto movement from a place where it had not been moving forward.

6.2 The Rise and Fall of Esperanto as a Left-Leaning Cause

Historically, Esperanto associations were essential for the Esperanto community and movement, responsible for enabling the language to take off. At a time when the early Esperantists were isolated and sought opportunities to communicate in the language, associations edited and sold books, advertised Esperanto gatherings, and offered language courses and meeting spaces. More importantly, associations provided their members with the contact details of fellow Esperantists, thus creating contexts where the regular use of the language (by post or face-to-face) could take place.

Associations were also decisive for the Esperanto movement and, to a certain degree, they remain the core of it. Coordinating the efforts of those who want to work for Esperanto, as well as for other causes through Esperanto, they act as hubs whereby Esperantists gather around common interests and goals, thus providing stability, steadiness and cohesion for this social movement.

Esperanto associations in France are chiefly maintained by annual membership fees. These entitle members to receive the magazines that most associations edit, to attend language courses and other activi- ties, as well as to benefit from discounted prices on their bookshops or on congress registration fees. At SAT-Amikaro, all activities are run by benevoles (unpaid volunteers), which means its functioning depends entirely on the time and energy invested by its most active members. However, returning to Dominique's and JoPo's comments, from 2014, the monthly La SAGo became a bimonthly publication and was, subse- quently, discontinued. The SAT-Amikaro congresses, formerly annual, became irregular in recent years. Some language courses—such as the one Yassine would teach that day—were cancelled due to the lack of students and volunteer teachers. The association's annual general meet- ings (AGMs), which traditionally congregated numerous members and took place during the congresses, started being held in a modest scale at the association's headquarters, with members' interventions being reduced to few late responses at SAT-Amikaro's mailing list. Furthermore, due to people's lack of interest, the executive committee, once composed of ten members, was reduced to two members—which required the same person to hold more than one administrative position so that the association could conform to the French Law of Associations (France 1901). Deprived of its regular congresses and its magazine, the associa- tion's activities were mostly limited to what happened at its headquarters, making SAT-Amikaro nearly invisible to its members living outside Paris.

According to the archives of SAT-Amikaro, the association reported having more than 600 members (in francophone countries overall, but mostly concentrated in France) in 2009. Yet, in a conversation, Marcel (the previous treasurer) told me that, when he became the associations treasurer, he found that that list was outdated, as it included from deceased people to former members who had not renewed their member- ship. In 2010, having reviewed the list of fee-paying members, Marcel reached the figure of 490, which came as a shock to many members attending that year's congress. From 2010 to 2017, the membership decreased further to 192.

Faced with this, Dominique and JoPo, like other long-standing SAT-Amikaro members, were worried about the future of their association. After all, how would they continue fighting for a cause when the association where they diligently volunteered was facing such setbacks? What did it mean, for their everyday volunteering, to have a decreasing membership? What else was being lost alongside the loss of members?

If associations are historically important for Esperantists, the same holds for the French more broadly. In 1791, politics and associationism were significantly transformed in France with the Law Le Chapelier, which banned guilds, workers' organisations of all sorts and the right to strike. Only in the following century, in 1868, would the French recover the right to organise and join public meetings—provided that such meet- ings were announced to the concerned authorities in advance. However, in a country with a well-established tradition of fighting for civil rights, the climax of these freedoms and rights was reached only in 1901, when the Law of Associations was promulgated, allowing lasting congregations of people to 'be formed freely without prior authorisation or declaration' (France 1901; my translation). As a consequence, associations came to be perceived in France not only as spaces for people to share common interests and ideas, but also as bastions of freedom, political participa- tion and civil rights, enabling the French to fully express their citizenship via engagement citoyen (civic engagement) (Bartolone 2015; Cottin-Marx 2019).

The strong presence of associations in French social life is sometimes referred to through mockery. In a conversation in French with Sebastien and Nicole, two middle-aged Esperantists from Paris, Nicole told me: 'Associations are quite a big thing in France. If you ask some people — ask Sebastien, for instance — he's probably going to tell you that he's a member of more associations than his fingers can count! Am I right, Sebastien?' He replied:

Yes, I think so. Let me see... I support a lot of Esperanto associations, a lot of naturist associations, many associations for gays and lesbians... Indeed, I think I'm a member of more than ten! But, of course, I'm not a real member in some of them, because there are some in which I only contribute by paying the membership fee, but don't really take part in practice. I became a member of three more associations since the beginning of the year—and the year began just a couple of weeks ago!

Nicole added, laughing: 'there are so many associations here that, if you come across three people in France, probably at least one of them is the president of an association!' Even though Nicole's statistic was exaggerated, there does seem to exist a strong popular engagement with associations across French territory. According to Thierry, Mallet and Bazin (2016: 4), in 2016, 25% of people over the age of 15 living on French soil were engaged in associations as benevoles—which does not include those who were only regular fee-paying members.

In sum, the extraordinary significance of associations in France comes precisely from the fact that they are an ordinary part of everyday social life. Thus, reaching back to the shrinkage of SAT-Amikaro, if associa- tions are so important for both Esperanto's and France's history, perhaps SAT-Amikaro's decreasing membership and inactivity are not only a matter of diminishing support. It reveals a much broader issue, in which the ways whereby Dominique, JoPo, Yassine and several other left-wing Esperantists engage with left-leaning debates in Esperanto appear at risk.

This is not something affecting SAT-Amikaro exclusively. For several reasons, the French associative milieu has gone through a radical transfor- mation in recent years. To point just a few aspects of this transformation, as Sebastien and Nicole highlighted, one's checkbook affiliation (Putnam 2000: 157—158) often involves a financial contribution to a cause that does not necessarily translate into practical commitment to it. This kind of membership, increasingly common in contemporary France, plays a role in economically sustaining an association, but does not contribute much to its dynamics. Furthermore, associations nowadays have to compete with less institutionalised social networks, with the Internet providing the ultimate example. Through digital media, people can gather around shared interests—and, in this case, organise polit- ical debates in Esperanto—in highly international environments without having to pay membership fees. In this sense, the Internet has replaced, more than reinforced, these spaces of socialisation and collective action (Fians 2020) for people born in the late 1980s onwards, as these generations had more access to such communication technologies.

Parallel to this generational change, the previously mentioned survey byThierry, Mallet and Bazin (2016: 4) on rates of engagement in associ- ations in France from 2010 to 2016 shows that the lowest percentage of participation is among 15—35 year-olds,[25] while the highest rate is among those older than 65. At SAT-Amikaro, this became manifest in Yassine and I being the only members of SAT-Amikaro under 35 years old who were frequently present at their activities—which, to older and long- standing members, was a sign that the continuation of the association over time might be compromised.

It is worth considering that SAT and SAT-Amikaro aim to create spaces for social and political debates involving mostly laypeople, workers and activists for progressive causes. This purpose historically weaved these associations into the fabric of traditional, class-based social move- ments. In this sense, an economic shift from labour-intensive to capital- intensive industry weakened the ranks of the proletariat after the intense deindustrialisation that marked France in the 1970s (Raymond 2005). This resulted in the weakening of communist and socialist agendas, which gave room to more decentralised forms of activism addressing environmentalism, gender equality, alterglobalisation and anti-capitalism more broadly. Thus, it is understandable that a weakening of the tradi- tional left-wing, workers' activism that sustained SAT-Amikaro since its early days would also affect the present-day dynamics of the association.

Given that Esperanto is also advanced as a cause, the Esperanto move- ment itself is subjected to its own ebbs and flows. Forster's (1982) sociological study of the Esperanto movement in Britain points out that, in the early twentieth century, members of the Esperanto Association of Britain (EAB) felt that the language was at its peak at that point and were very enthusiastic about promoting it. However, 'already in 1936 the question "Is Esperanto still alive? I never heard about it" is suggested as commonplace' (Forster 1982: 277). In a statistical survey carried out in 1968, Forster shows that EAB was conscious of its ageing membership, with 45% of its members being over 60 years old. Yet, Forster's study indicates that EAB's membership had stagnated, rather than declined. Despite its difficulties in attracting new members, it had retained the allegiance of enthusiastic, long-standing Esperantists.

Therefore, the perception of ageing and declining membership at SAT-Amikaro owes to diverse factors: a broader weakening of la vie associative (institutionalised community life) in France and beyond; a generational shift that makes present-day youth less prone to become active association members; an age-based cleavage favouring middle-aged people and the elderly, sometimes giving the impression that the future of associationism is at risk; a shift in the progressive political causes thriving in each historical context; and a discourse according to which the Esperanto movement is permanently in a vulnerable situation. Even though these changes do not affect only SAT-Amikaro, what are its members particularly grieving for?

Among the pieces of evidence that Dominique enumerated to indicate the decline of the association, the lack of active members to perform everyday tasks at the headquarters was ubiquitous. The few volunteers were often overwhelmed by administrative tasks and constantly remarked that most members were not as involved—or not in the way they expected in terms of managing the bookshop, teaching the language and attending to the office and accountancy. Hence, when expressing loss and despair, what they very much feared losing was a specific space of socialisation—the headquarters—whose structure Dominique, JoPo, Yassine and other left-leaning Esperantists relied on in order to practice the language, buy Esperanto books and hold weekly debates.

These debates—particularly the weekly babilrondoj and the annual congresses—provide an illustration of the forum in which SAT-Amikaro materialises its goals. On Friday evenings, the association holds its babil- rondoj (debate circles). As described in previous chapters, these debates count on ten to twenty habitual participants. The topics to be discussed are selected and announced in advance on posters at the headquarters, through the associations mailing list and on the website. Every partic- ipant brings drinks and nibbles—stereotypically enough, cheese and wine are always the essential ones—to snack during heated discussions in Esperanto about the French elections, the 100th anniversary of the Russian Revolution, fascism and authority, and alternatives to nuclear energy. The members' concerns over losing these regular debates stand for the fear of losing a certain manner of engaging with Esperanto, through the lens of a cause to be advanced alongside other class-based political stances. Without this forum, Esperanto would still exist, just as commu- nism, socialism, pacifism and anarchism would still count supporters. Yet, members such as Dominique and JoPo would be deprived of the setting in which these issues are connected, in which Esperanto gains political relevance and mediates discussions between people who are engaged with different causes.

The different kinds of cheese and the fairtrade organic wine around which these debates are held stand as indexes of what these Esperantists fear to lose hold of: the local and ephemeral—although regular—mate- riality of Esperantujo made possible by face-to-face activities. In other words, the ritualised sociality of meeting, being together and drinking wine while debating progressive political perspectives in the language. As the core goal of the Esperanto movement is to ensure the stability of the Esperanto community, these Esperantists' movements seem not to be moving well enough as the only setting whereby they engage with the language and its community slowly withers away.

6.3 Standing Still...

While Dominique and JoPo insisted that not much had been going on at SAT-Amikaro lately, some activities were still taking place. For instance, volunteers frequently sought opportunities to spread the word about the language and the association, as a way of easing their frustration and, at the same time, of hoping to recruit new speakers and members.

One of the systematic ways in which SAT-Amikaro promotes Esperanto and itself is by holding a stall at the annual Fete de L'Humanite. This three-day festival—held in the surroundings of Paris and targeted at raising funds for the left-leaning magazine LHumanite— brings together different political parties, social movements and activists that are discontent with contemporary politics in France and the world. This includes communists, socialists, environmentalists, groups supporting refugees and migrants, feminists... and Esperantists. In the 2016 edition of this festival, the associations SAT-Amikaro and Esperanto-France held a joint stall to promote Esperanto, which was announced the week before at the bilingual French-Esperanto broadcast at Radio Libertaire. Although activists and volunteers from both associa- tions shared the same stall, it was easy to identify which association each of them came from: three out of six volunteers from Esperanto-France wore green outfits displaying Esperanto-related content, whereas three of the five SAT-Amikaro volunteers wore shirts with anti-capitalist content or with references to other social movements.

Aside from their garments, they also deployed different materials and strategies to promote Esperanto. Whereas Esperanto-France volunteers emphasised the use of the language for travelling, meeting national Others and supporting the rights of language minorities, SAT-Amikaro volunteers stressed Esperantos learnability for those with no formal education nor background in foreign language learning. In common, members of both associations shared certain disappointment at the fact that most passers-by showed indifference to the cause that drove them. Yet, SAT-Amikaro members seemed to grieve more, for they were promoting their language project 'at home', in a left-wing festival, among people with whom they shared so much—but, when it comes to their interest in Esperanto, so little.

Long-standing Esperantists and those who are interested in the history of Esperanto recall the times when Esperanto appeared to have more visi- bility in wider society, as when the language was used in advertisements by companies such as Air France in the 1930s and Philips and Fiat in the 1970s (Forster 1982: 249). This nostalgic outlook is more pronounced among long-standing members of SAT-Amikaro, such as Alain. A retired postman, Alain was a regular participant in the babilrondoj and, due to his interest in history, he was the volunteer responsible for organising the associations archives. Flicking through documents and pictures, he showed me records of 'the days when Esperanto was closely connected to grassroots left-wing politics'. Regarding political activism, the climax of public attention was probably reached in the 1930s—1940s, as mentioned at the beginning of the chapter. With the tone of a story- teller, Alain showed me documents from the associations and his own personal archives depicting large attendances at SAT-Amikaro's courses and congresses in previous decades, as well as several members marching for the association and for Esperanto in the demonstrations of the First of May (Labour Day) in Paris in the 1950s. Among his favourite registers— one he handled with particular care—was a weekly timesheet with the didactic activities offered by the internees at the Royallieu-Compiegne internment camp c.1940. Alain was thrilled that, among the internment camps that housed French resistance fighters and Jews during the Second World War, at least one offered Esperanto classes four times a week.

John Roche and Stephen Sachs (1955, also comprehensively analysed in Forster 1982: 74—75) draw a distinction between the bureaucrat and the enthusiast when talking about leadership in social movements. In their view, 'the bureaucrat tends to regard the organization as an end in itself, [whereas] to the enthusiast it [the organisation] will always remain an imperfect vehicle for a greater purpose' (Roche and Sachs 1955: 250). Building on this distinction, it is worth noting that many Paris-based Esperantists who could be classified as enthusiasts actively participated in several Esperanto associations and supported Esperanto as a cause. In contrast, SAT and SAT-Amikaro volunteers and committee members— the bureaucrats, who equated the progress of the cause with the success, growth and stability of a particular organisation—were more likely to limit their activism for Esperanto to one of these associations.

In this sense, for Dominique, JoPo and Alain—in other words, for Esperantists who engaged with Esperanto only through supporting this association, without joining other associations or using the language online[26]—the decline of SAT-Amikaro and apparent shrinkage of the institutionalised left-wing, workers' Esperanto movement also stood for the shrinkage of the language and its community. From their stand- point, Esperanto was losing ground in the left-leaning milieu, with the disinterest of passers-by at the Fete de l'Humanite confirming that Esper- antists were no longer seen as 'credible collective actors that could disrupt existing political arrangements' (Tilly 1999: 263).

Internal dynamics and political convictions within SAT-Amikaro also occasionally hindered the associations attempts to set the movement in motion again. In several annual general meetings, members suggested more regular updates on the associations Facebook page and YouTube channel, to give more visibility to their activities. Yet, it was not easy to find a volunteer to perform this task, as the active members were over- loaded with Esperanto classes and administrative tasks and the elderly ones had limited computing skills. In addition, for political reasons, several anti-capitalist members were not keen on using Facebook due to issues related to the commercialisation of user data. Dominique, for instance, despite his rather advanced computing skills, systematically took a stand against proprietary software and the big techs, refusing to own a smartphone and to use Microsoft and Google products— which, among other things, stopped him from joining the associations' mailing list hosted by Google Groups. This issue caused a dispute on whether political convictions should be relinquished when the asso- ciation's survival was at stake—a dispute that ended only when JoPo volunteered to take charge of SAT-Amikaro's online presence.

Although membership has been, to a certain extent, stabilised since 2016, the perception of failure to secure new members resulted in growing weariness (Hunt and Benford 2004: 445) among SAT-Amikaro volunteers. Hence, such recent stability in terms of membership was not seen positively, as a sign of steadiness, but as an index of stagnation, in which the left-wing, workers' Esperanto movement found itself unable to move forward. Despite their efforts, the associations volunteers failed to see reassuring results coming from their labour. They had to sprint to stand still, but they seemed to be standing still in a quagmire, since the latest generation of active members was not sufficiently engaged and was hardly being replaced by a new generation.

Social movements, political parties and other associations feel a sense of urgency when they attempt to seize the opportunity given by a specific political occasion or when they feel they are about to reach their goals. Likewise, members of SAT-Amikaro also displayed a sense of urgency— but, in this case, based on a fear of imminent failure.

6.4 A Cause Looking for Its Momentum

While specific political opportunities can provide occasions for a social movement to be successful, the lack of such opportunities is one of the factors that makes it difficult for the Esperanto movement to achieve more satisfactory results. Sam Marullo and David Meyer (2004) illustrate the importance of such political opportunities by referring to the anti- war movement in the United States:

Our argument is based on a paradox: peace movements are most likely to mobilize extensively when they are least likely to get what they want. When there is a relatively open moment in American policy, when the conduct and content of American foreign policy is under review, as in the period after the end of the Cold War, for example, peace movements are generally invisible. At times when movements are facing the most difficult challenges, that is, when policy appears to be becoming more aggressive, expensive, and dangerous, mobilization is most likely to be extensive. (2004: 642)

What they call a paradox, however, does not seem to be so. In effect, when war and armed conflicts become more severe, the anti-war move- ment will likely become more relevant, as its cause gains prominence. Far from paradoxical, this represents the very functioning of social movements.

In Esperantos case, however, political opportunities do not seem to be equally available. Unlike armed conflicts or climate change, which require quick mobilisation to address issues conveyed as urgent (Calhoun 1993), causes linked to international communication and linguistic diversity are less prone to require an immediate response. This entails a shortage of occasions seen as critical for successful mobilisation. Furthermore, it explains the Esperanto movement's struggle to find its momentum and to situate its cause at the top of political agendas.

Membership figures in associations, NGOs and political parties usually fluctuate during elections or in moments of important protests (Gelb and Hart 1999: 163). By contrast, during the Cold War—one of the latest occasions for Esperanto to gain political visibility—the language was advertised as a politically more neutral alternative to Russian and English, the two competing hegemonic languages at the time. Yet the end of this conflict undermined this strong argument for Esperanto. More recently, the decision of the United Kingdom to leave the European Union was seen by some Esperantists[27] as a window of opportunity for the Esperanto movement to raise people's and govern- ments' awareness of the links between national languages and power within the EU (Fians 2018). However, negotiations about Brexit have focused on borders, immigration laws and trade agreements, and the issues of language and multilingualism in the post-Brexit European Union were not made into critical ones.

When measured against the first half of the twentieth century—when the ties connecting Esperanto with anti-fascism, communism and anar- chism were the strongest—the twenty-first century appears marked by the perception that Esperanto has been left behind, losing the signif- icance it once had in the left-leaning milieu. Through these nostalgic perspectives—which refer to a past of Esperanto and SAT-Amikaro that was partly lived, partly idealised by activists—Dominique and JoPo seem to be stuck in the past, at once actual and glorified.

In his well-known essay on temporality and eternity, Augustine of Hippo (1998: 221—245) reflects on the nature of time, calling into ques- tion the existence of past, present and future. In his considerations, Augustine states that the past may not exist: it existed once, but now that it has begun and ended, it has ceased existing. Likewise, since the future has not yet come into being, it does not exist either—at least not yet. In his words:

Take the two tenses, past and future. How can they 'be' when the past is not now present and the future is not yet present? Yet if the present were always present, it would not pass into the past: it would not be time but eternity. If then, in order to be time at all, the present is so made that it passes into the past, how can we say that this present also 'is'? The cause of its being is that it will cease to be. (1998: 231)

Accordingly, the present is an interval with no duration, for if it had duration it could be divided into past and future.

After questioning the very existence of temporality, Augustine argues that past and future do not exist in themselves—as they are, respectively, 'not anymore' and 'not yet'—but their occurrence is manifested in the present. In his words, 'the present considering the past is the memory, the present considering the present is immediate awareness, the present considering the future is expectation' (1998: 235). Hence, the present is where regimes of temporal reasoning find expression and where past and future can be conceived.

Along these lines, SAT-Amikaro members recall, in the present, the existence of a glorious past, in which the association thrived with more participating members and well-attended activities. Moreover, since these same members were younger then, they also tended to be more active in the movement. In particular, as supporters of an institution- alised forward-looking social movement, what they miss so brutally is the momentum that Esperanto once had. Their mourning is primarily related to the loss of a feeling of vibrant activism and engagement, thanks to which Esperanto seemed to stand a real chance of contributing substantially to a better world by providing a forum to internationalise grassroots left-wing politics. In this sense, borrowing Piot's expression, their nostalgia for the past is, in fact, nostalgia for the future (Piot 2010).

In his ethnography in Togo after the Cold War period, Charles Piot analyses how the Togolese moved on with their lives after the death of their dictator, holding hopes for subsequent improvements in the country's political system. The changes taking place at the time led to the replacement of the previous governmental order with NGOs and Pentecostal churches, which developed into an unstable status quo and made the future that the Togolese desired farther from attainment. In this sense, nostalgia for the future denotes longing for a future that, in the past, seemed to be closer to fulfilment than it is in the present (Piot 2010: 20).

This understanding of nostalgia brings past and future together—but at the expense of precisely the moment in which the awareness of such time-passing takes place: the present. At SAT-Amikaro, historical narra- tives about the association depict the present not as a field of action upon which members and volunteers could act but, predominantly, as a space inhabited by people who seem to have little or no power over the asso- ciations perceived decline. Along these lines, the present becomes the descriptive is stuck between the wistful was and the normative ought to

be (Jansen 2015: 37-39).

Looking at everyday lives in a neighbourhood in Sarajevo following the end of the Bosnian War, Stef Jansen (2015) explores how the locals long for 'normal lives'. Their understanding of normality, however, was almost consensually presented in terms of the lives they lived in the late 1980s and early 1990s, before the war. Rather than spectacular stories and achievements, their aspiration for a similarly 'normal' future was based mainly on recollections of past mundane practices. From this, the distinction that Jansen draws between hope and yearning seems to be of relevance. As he argues, hope refers to 'a future orientation that is positively, affectively charged: a degree, however small or hesitant, of expectant optimism' (2015: 43), whereas yearning denotes 'a persistent longing. It is continuous and prolonged, and its object is known to be out of reach: it can be both lost in the past and deferred in the future'

(2015: 54-55).

Hence, the hopes that SAT-Amikaro volunteers display for Esperanto seem to be suspended between past and future, finding no ground in the present. In this scenario, their hope is replaced with a yearning, a longing to hope for the future of Esperanto. Such yearning is not necessarily a recollection of a spectacular past, but a yearning for a past that had a future and nostalgia for a fully-fledged momentum. In sum, it refers to the remembrance of a past in which the association, as well as left-wing activism through Esperanto, seemed to have a bright future ahead.

When promoting Esperanto at events such as the Fete de l'Humanite, SAT-Amikaro volunteers and activists are often exposed to passers-by who perceive Esperanto as a 'language of the past'. This perspective— according to which the bright future of Esperanto would necessarily be connected to its universal use—takes this language as a project directed towards a never attained distant future. Paraphrasing Mary Douglas (1966: 36-41), this perception conveys Esperanto as a matter out of time, with no place in the present. Thus, between a past that ceased to exist and a potentially problematic future that has not yet come into being, how can one convey the present—this emptied interval in between—as a field of action?

Pointing out that the present is where knowledge practices gain ground and where past and future are represented, Felix Ringel (2012, 2016, 2018) urges us to consider the present ethnographically in its own right, as a time interval that neither is determined by the past nor prede- termines the future. In many ways, this outlook echoes Augustine of Hippo's perspective: what effectively matters is how regimes of temporal reasoning are expressed in the present and how memories of the past and expectations for the future are mobilised as resources.

Addressing hope among young anarchists in a shrinking city in Eastern Germany, Ringel (2012) examines how these anarchists responded to the languishing of a city with no job opportunities and no prospects for the future. Through practices such as being vegan, throwing parties with alternative dress codes, producing poetry and art, as well as debating issues such as gender and sexuality, they might not be trans- forming the future of the city or provoking substantial changes in local society. However, this does not mean that they have failed as political activists. They were not addressing the distant future in the first place, but targeting more mundane aspects of life in a critical way—directing their actions, therefore, to the present and the near future.

By the same token, taking the emic perceptions of future and move- ment as our starting point reveals that, when recalling Esperantos and the associations past, SAT-Amikaro volunteers were engaging with the momentum they once experienced and the immediate references and narratives they were familiar with. What they grieved for was not an abstract, farfetched collapse of the language, but the concrete, everyday signs of the momentum that Esperanto as a means of grassroots left-wing politics once had.

SAT-Amikaro members and volunteers were overall aware of the growing use of Esperanto by young people through digital media and were conscious that such less institutionalised spaces of Esperantujo were facing fewer setbacks than their association. However, SAT's and SAT- Amikaro's hurdles in adapting to online communication and in engaging with less institutionalised political activism stood for the shrinkage of Esperantujo as they knew it. Irrespective of how weak or strong the broader Esperanto community might be, what was at risk was their individual participation in it, since the settings where they supported working-class issues and progressive causes and ritually held their debates while drinking fairtrade organic wine appeared undermined.

6.5 Slowly Moving Again

In the face of this situation, what did these volunteers, members and activists long for? Rather than a bright distant future, those at SAT- Amikaro who expressed such rhetoric of loss were simply yearning for a near future in which the association would count more active members, busier language classes and activities, well-attended congresses, a regular magazine and stronger links between Esperanto and progressive politics.

While the literature on regimes of temporal reasoning equips us to perceive the present as the frame wherein action gains prominence, the left-wing, workers' Esperanto movement depicts a scenario in which the present appears partially deprived of its potential to provoke changes. Focusing on volunteers' and activists' discourses on the past and future enables us to grasp, through ethnography, how their yearnings were directed towards ordinary accomplishments. Thus, while looking back and regretting the association's loss of dynamism, these activists also looked ahead, modestly fostering the preservation of the space of polit- ical socialisation they still had within reach. In this way, this chapter has shown how social movement and community appear interwoven here, since turning the associations 'stand still' into a 'move forward'—and its yearning into hope—depends on materialising the movement's expected outcome of building community in the everyday.

In several ways, the uncertainties that such yearning entails also have a bright side. Hopes and futures can be disappointable as a principle (Jansen 2016: 454—458), but the indeterminacy they create also makes room for optimism and hopeful possibilities. As of early 2017, nearly one year after my first meeting with Dominique, JoPo and Yassine, the magazine La SAGo began to be regularly issued again, despite the small number of volunteer editors. In April 2017, the association held a congress in Saint-Sebastien-sur-Loire, near Nantes. At this congress, Marcel—the treasurer who, by then, had become the only remaining member of the executive committee—announced he would quit the committee, which would leave the association without a legal representa- tive within the French state. His farewell speech was highly compelling: six people offered to run for the committee, and all of them were demo- cratically elected at the annual general meeting held during the congress, whose decisions were later ratified on the mailing list. For the time being, SAT-Amikaro seemed to be on its way to a revival. For the time being, their yearning was transformed into a fully-fledged hope. But how stable can 'for the time being' be? To what extent could we say that hope can bring certainties? It cannot. Perhaps the association has found its way

towards the promise heralded by JoPo's cap: 'Antauen', to move forward!

But this is just a perhaps.

References

Augustine, Bishop of Hippo. 1998. Confessions. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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7

Mobile Youth: How Digital Media Changed Language Learning, Activism for Free Speech and the Very Experience

of Time

In 2015, a new phenomenon would bring about radical changes in Esperantujo: the popular language learning platform Duolingo launched an Esperanto course for speakers of English. This online course's imme- diate success caused a fuss: a wave of young people who, up to that point, had hardly heard of the language flooded Esperanto groups on Facebook asking questions about vocabulary or simply trying to make friends with a 'Saluton, mi lernas Esperanton per Duolingo. Kiel vi fartas?' (Hi, I'm learning Esperanto through Duolingo. How are you?).

The visibility that Duolingo gave to Esperanto culminated in the development of new spaces on digital media—mostly on two forms of digital media, namely social media and instant messaging apps—that sheltered these new speakers. This involved the rapid popularisation of YouTube channels with content in Esperanto, groups and pages on social media, podcasts, websites that pair up learners and annual campaigns from UEA and TEJO to promote the language through video.

While several Esperantists were enthusiastic about this growing use of the language, others regarded this phenomenon with suspicion. Under- standing Esperanto as 'more than a language', many regretted that this

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licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 G. Fians, Esperanto Revolutionaries and Geeks, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030- 84230-7_7

rise in the number of speakers did not reflect an increase of Esperantists: a great number of those who come across the language online continue using it online, without joining the Esperanto movement or the regular, face-to-face enactments of Esperantujo. Learning the language more as an intellectual game than as a tool for left-wing activism, such newbies mobilised digital media in ways that older generations of association- bound Esperantists did not. If Esperantos inner idea and cosmopolitan principles are not necessarily transmitted through language learning apps and online message exchanges, then this fuss could represent not hope, but a potential death of Esperanto as association-bound Esperantists knew it.

To analyse the series of online, mostly mobile phone-based, communi- cation technologies that have transformed the Esperanto community in recent years, it is worth recalling Don Kulick's inquiry on language death in Papua New Guinea. Following for over thirty years how the speakers of Tayap slowly shifted from their native language to Tok Pisin—the most widely spoken language in the country—Kulick (1992, 2019) explores the consequences of the slow death of Tayap, starting with the question: what is left unsaid when a language dies? In Esperanto's case, following not a language shift, but a significant change in language use, a question imposes itself: what is left unsaid—or said differently—when a speech community largely moves from institutionalised, face-to-face configurations to online spaces?

This chapter explores how digital media and the emergence of the first natively digital generations of Esperanto speakers have triggered changes in the long-standing association-based Esperanto community. In this vein, the first part of the chapter delves into shifts in language use, discussing how digital natives complement their use of spoken and written language with visual cues brought by emojis, gifs, Internet memes and videos. In the meantime, engaging with the language online also entails (re)considering Esperantos language ideology regarding fairer communication through different lenses, via an emphasis on online participatory cultures and claims for free speech. The second part exam- ines a widening age cleavage in this speech community: what about those who are not equally invested on the Internet and struggle to overcome the technical barriers imposed by new technologies?

Analysing how digital media produce spaces that, unlike face-to-face gatherings, are permanently available and do not rely on regular sched- ules, I argue that digital media has prompted significant changes in people's experience of time. Fast-paced online language learning, real- time voice and text conversations and a plethora of language users from across the world constantly available online not only bring about different forms of language use, but change the very shape taken by speech communities. Hence, beginning with an inquiry into what is left unsaid when communication takes place largely online leads us to an analysis of how community mobilises digital media and how digital media mobilise community.

7.1 Fast Language Learners, Instant Users, Even Faster Texters

Created in 2012 and offering Esperanto courses since 2015, the online language learning platform Duolingo quickly gained prominence and became home to a multitude of polyglots and language lovers. Based in the United States, Duolingo proposes free foreign language lessons meant to feel 'more like a game than a textbook'. Its methodology relies on production, repetition and gamification, rather than on tradi- tional grammar-based classes, and takes inspiration from the motto 'learning is easier when you're having fun'. With activities varying from recording voice clips, matching words with images and forming sentences, Duolingo portrays language learning progression in the format of a tree, whereby learners unlock new levels (further branches of the skill tree) after successfully reaching checkpoints. Learners are also rewarded with XP (experience points) and lingots (an in-game currency used to unlock bonus levels) for each stage completed, and their achievements are displayed on public leaderboards, to encourage competition between learners. Mimicking the logic of video games, such gamified functioning (Huotari and Hamari 2012) turns language learners into game players, thus stimulating the continuous engagement of users with the platform.

Yet Duolingo is not the only platform offering Esperanto courses online. One of the pioneers was the French-medium iKurso, where several French speakers learned Esperanto online from the 1990s onwards. The early 2000s also saw the creation of the English-medium Lernu.net. However, two features set Duolingo apart from other plat- forms: it was the first to gamify Esperanto language learning, keeping people invested in the learning process until they complete the skill tree, meet the challenge and are able to say 'game over'. Additionally, Duolingo counts an app: the possibility of having lessons via the mobile phone, rather than a computer, turns language learning into an activity that can be done at anytime, in small doses every day, even as a pastime while one commutes or waits in a queue.

On the developers' end, the founders and early employers of Duolingo set up the first language courses available. Yet, once the platform was up and running, they left most of the courses' development as a task for volunteers who, gathered on Duolingo Incubator, continuously devel- oped and added more languages to the platform. This is where Esperanto gained ground: under the guidance of the North American computer scientist and Esperantist Chuck Smith, a team of volunteers collaborated to create the English-medium Esperanto course on Duolingo. Launched in 2015, the course quickly gained visibility, reaching 1,6 million learners in early 2020 (Nielsen 2020).

This figure instantly became a source of pride for many Esperan- tists, particularly those invested in the Esperanto movement, who saw it as a sign of revival of the language. By the end of 2015, Chuck Smith had been elected by La Ondo de Esperanto—a prestigious monthly Esperanto magazine—as the Esperantist of the Year, and referred to by UEA as 'la motoro de la interreta E-generacio', the driving force of the online generation of Esperantists (Valle and Vergara 2015: 241). Between 2015 and 2020, the Duolingo Esperanto course also became available for Spanish, Portuguese and French speakers, reaching 2.9 million users in early 2021.[28]

The development of Duolingo Esperanto courses relies on the work of volunteers who are fluent both in Esperanto and in the source language of the course under preparation. They translate words, build example sentences, record audio samples and liaise with the Duolingo technical team to ensure the sociotechnical functionality of the courses.

Another collaborative project that has mobilised Esperantists on a large scale is the ongoing expansion ofVikipedio, the Esperanto language Wikipedia created in 2001—also initiated by Chuck Smith. In early 2021, Vikipedio ranked 35 in number of articles among Wikipedias in other languages, counting 178,210 contributors.

Alongside online language courses and encyclopaedias, other online Esperanto contents too have mushroomed in recent years. This includes the activity of Esperanto YouTubers, podcasters, gamers responsible for creating Esperanto servers on the virtual worlds Minecraft and Second Life and lively Twitter profiles (re)tweeting about nearly anything in the language, as well as of websites and Esperanto Facebook groups where people debate politics and polyamory, kick-start collaborations between Esperantist artists or simply ask for language advice.

The Internet provided a new space for the learning and use of the language—which, in turn, brought about changes in language use. The fact that Duolingo language learning is based on a functional rather than a structural approach—emphasising real-life language use rather than grammar—means that its users learn to introduce themselves and list things they like since their first climb of Duolingo's skill tree. A number of such beginners thus immediately take their chance exchanging ideas through text on StackExchange forums and on Facebook groups such as Esperanto and Duolingo Esperanto Learners (counting 22,410 and 14,082 members, respectively, as of December 2020). Groups such as these allow beginners to practice the language in busy online spaces where conver- sations tend to be short and superficial, and typos, generally accepted. Messages in Esperanto along the lines of 'Hi, I'm an Esperanto beginner. I'm here to practice the language' are the norm. Such strong online presence of enthusiastic beginners, on the one hand, nurtures positive appraisals from experienced language users excited about the new batch of learners. On the other hand, it raises concerns over the 'degeneration' of the language—an issue sometimes raised on Internet memes (Fig. 7.1), online posts and news articles at Esperanto magazines.

Another important feature of most online Esperanto courses is that they contribute to consolidating the influence of English over Esperanto. Since Esperanto on Duolingo was first offered in English and became a major gateway for new learners, Anglicisms such as 'Kio la fek?' became popular among young Esperantists. A rough translation of the English 'What the fuck?', expressions like these ended up gaining ground due to being widely understood also by Esperanto speakers who are not native speakers of English, even though such expressions do not follow Esperanto's grammatical norms.

There is a parallel between correspondence courses (via post) and these novel language learning processes, for online communication also favours text over voice (Boellstorff 2008: 152—156). As a consequence, those who study through iKurso or Duolingo are likely to develop their

Fig. 7.1 Meme in Esperanto (based on a scene from the cartoon Family Guy) that jokingly refers to Noah's Ark. This kind of meme is called object labelling exploitable, as the humour comes from the labels added to the image. In this case, the animals to the left stand for Facebook experts, courses on YouTube, Lernu.net, apps, online courses, 'teach yourself' books and Duolingo, whereas Noah points at the hybrid resulting from their crossbreed ('my language skills') and asks 'What is that?' (Source Facebook group Esperantaj Memeoj, retrieved December 2020)

 

writing more than their speaking skills. This has led Esperanto to be a language potentially more frequently used in written than in spoken form on the Internet. However, a defining difference between these learning processes is that the fast pace of online communication—which is often synchronic, in the case of instant messaging and live chats— allows for faster learning and an almost immediate use of the language. More importantly, Esperantists I spoke with listed two major advantages of digital media for language learning and use. Firstly, social media and instant messaging apps bring about the possibility of communicating in an international language with a truly international audience. By posting or producing content in Esperanto online, most of one's followers, inter- locutors and friends are Esperantists from distinct national and linguistic backgrounds, which brings Esperantujo closer to its ideal of consistent internationality.

Secondly, digital media allow for a certain level of anonymity of its users (Turkle 1995), enabling people to be identified with profiles, avatars and aliases instead of their actual identities. Still, whether or not one uses their actual name and profile photo, the Internet facili- tates instances of communication in which one's identity does not matter as much as in the actual world.[29] These forms of anonymity, to a large extent, make online spaces more welcoming to those who want to put themselves to the test using a language they do not master in brief chats with strangers.

In addition to changes in language use, a distinct learning pace, enhanced internationality and a certain level of anonymity, the Internet has also complexified the meaning of 'language' itself. Elements such as emojis, gifs and Internet memes frequently complement written messages, helping texters convey feelings, add visual cues to their messages and express humour. As David Crystal (2008) notes on the use of English on mobile phones and computers, the fact that written communication online was initially popular among young people resulted in the association of emojis, acronyms and shortenings with youth language. However, even though emojis might be a novelty brought by digital media, abbreviations have existed since much before the Web 2.0. In Esperanto, this is no different: texters often shorten the standard Esperanto greeting saluton—present in the fundamentals of the language—as sal. Another common shortening is ' kiel vi?', from ' kiel vi fartas?' ('how are you?'). This also applies to a tendency in online written communication to verbalise adjectives more frequently than in hand- writing. In this sense, 'vi estas bela' ('you are beautiful') and Ha vetero estis aca hierau ( 'the weather was awful yesterday') are recurrently conveyed, respectively, as 'vi belas' and 'La vetero aCis hierau .

Informal and innovative registers of the language are hardly new: Claude Piron (1989) underlines that abbreviation and word compres- sion are widely present in Esperanto literature, particularly in poetry, and are a general feature of change in Esperanto. Similarly, already in 1946, in a half-page comment at the Esperanto periodical Sennaciulo (The Non-National), the Esperantist W F. Kruit (1946) criticised at length the use of k as a compression of kaj ( 'and'), used in the periodical and in books published by SAT. However, a trend that may be intrinsi- cally linked to texting and online communication relates to combinations of letters and numbers, where words like nokto ( 'night') become n8t' and sendu ( 'to send' in the imperative form) becomes sen2, just as the English m8 for mate or db8 for debate. The propensity to use abbrevi- ated language may have initially been a strategy to make typing faster and less costly, motivated by the unease to type long texts on tiny keys on T9 mobile phone keyboards and by the fact that, with SMS, the longer the text, the more the sender would have to pay to send it. Yet, abbreviated language endured both the replacement of T9 with QWERTY/AZERTY keyboards and the shift from SMS to instant messaging apps for another reason: because it is fun (Crystal 2008: 65). Even though abbreviated language may not be new, online communication technologies have lent a new twist to it, making it more recurrent, amusing and salient, espe- cially through practices of wordplay followed by visual cues such as 'winking face' and 'face with tears of joy' emojis.

7.2 Freedom of Speech, with a Detour via Freedom to Code

In the initial months of my fieldwork, Yassine, from SAT-Amikaro, was the only Esperantist I had met in Paris who was below 30 years old. Upon joining the Facebook group JEFO-aktivularo/Membres actifs d'Esperanto-jeunes, of the French Esperanto Youth Organisation (here- after JEFO), I stumbled upon a largely inactive 30-member group. Only one person, Cedric, occasionally posted there, alternatively in French and Esperanto, with little or no engagement of other group members. For a while, this made me question Esperantujo's fuss about digital media, as I could not find the much-heralded duolinganoj, the offsprings of Duolingo, members of the first generation of—borrowing Richard Rogers' expression (2013)—natively digital Esperanto speakers.

A mistake frequently present in ethnographers' anecdotes, it took me some time to realise that I was looking for duolinganoj in the wrong place. Since JEFO was an association of fee-paying members, the asso- ciations online presence mirrored its inactivity. When Cedric posted on the Facebook group about his intent to organise a JEFO annual general meeting in November 2016, I sent him a private message in Esperanto, to introduce myself. Excited about having come across a foreign Esperan- tist also living in Paris, he suggested we met. After asking for my mobile phone number, he soon called me on Telegram. Like most conversations we came to have, this one started in Esperanto and soon switched to French when he became chattier.

When I first met Cedric, in a busy bar in Paris' Quartier Latin— known for its lively student life on the left bank of the Seine—he explained to me that JEFO and its Facebook group had been dormant lately, but that there was a group of young Esperantists in Paris attending weekly Esperanto classes at the prestigious Ecole normale superieure (ENS). Cedric himself was enrolled in the Masters in Mathematics at the ENS. Just as Cedric, there were twelve other postgraduate students, mostly from Mathematics and Physics, attending the optional Esperanto module at that university. In his words, 'you know, Esperanto is a logical language, and this kind of thing attracts mathematicians and physicists. Once they start learning it, they get very enthusiastic'.

After I began attending those Esperanto classes, Cedric and his coursemates soon introduced me to their friends—in the actual and virtual worlds—and invited me to join soirees in the Quartier Latin, language exchange meetings at the Denfert-Rochereaus Cafe Polyglotte and informal gatherings at their flats. Most importantly, they added me to closed and secret groups on Facebook, WhatsApp and Telegram. These were the spaces where numerous face-to-face meetings were arranged and where these young Esperantists chatted (not necessarily in Esperanto) about their common interests. For the rest of my stay in Paris, doing ethnography also entailed scrolling down group chats and text conversa- tions on my phone more than my fingers could handle. Through such media, I encountered actors who had by then been nearly absent from my research: young people.

One of the most active young Parisians in Esperantujo was Maxime. For being more interested in using the language online than offline, he called my attention to certain core aspects of such online settings. A student in his early twenties living south of Paris, Maxime's narrative of encountering the language resonates with those of several other young French-based Esperantists:

I found out about Esperanto when I was installing Open Office on my computer, around 2006. When I had to choose a language for it, I noticed that there was Esperanto, right after English on the list in alphabetical order. My father was next to me when I saw that and told me what Esperanto was. I found that interesting, kept that in mind and, some time later, decided to study it. I learned it online, and then I attended a meeting at Esperanto-France's headquarters, but found people there too old and quite boring. So, I'm still interested in Esperanto, but I use it mainly online, on Telegram, Mastodon, Twitter, Reddit and Medium.

Without having ever been a member of any Esperanto association, Maxime was rather active in the online enactments of Esperantujo through an alias. He became known for activities that resonated with his political stances: he refused to use Facebook, Instagram and What- sApp due to concerns over data privacy and due to his objection to using commercial software and platforms running on proprietary software code. For the same reason, he preferred Open Office and Linux over Microsoft Office and Windows.

His wide network of Esperantist friends and followers on social media came as a result of his meme production in the language, as well as his engagement with free and open-source software. It is worthy noting that, in supporting open-source software, he practised what he preached: much of his online activity referred to coordinating efforts to trans- late software and information into Esperanto and other languages. This included subtitling YouTube videos, making software more user-friendly, and information, more accessible to people from different linguistic backgrounds or with communication disabilities. He was also a regular contributor to Vikipedio and frequently encouraged Esperantists to translate articles from Wikipedias in other languages. Besides, he played a key role in translating the interfaces of Facebook (where he deleted his profile immediately after concluding this task), Telegram, Mozilla Firefox and Apache OpenOffice into Esperanto while collaborating in the devel- opment of an open-source Esperanto keyboard app for mobile phones, containing the diacritics not present in most alphanumeric keyboards. As expected, most of his laptop and mobile phone interfaces were in Esperanto—which he often described as a 'more welcoming', 'tolerant' and 'open-source language'.

Thinking about software licenses and copyright, software like Skype, Windows and WhatsApp are called proprietary software. Following a business model, proprietary software are protected under intellectual property law, which entitles their owners and developers to charge for the software's use and to restrict access to the software's source code. Hence, drawing on licenses that wield the rights to exclude and control (Coleman 2013: 1—2), the companies that develop these products retain the rights to commercialise, use and modify them. By contrast, free and open-source software have fewer restrictions regarding use and develop- ment: their source code is usually given away together with the software, which makes the latter more transparent and accessible. Since the code is the roadmap to the functioning of the software, users of open- source have some freedom to study, share and modify the code, thus customising and co-developing the software.

Esperanto, like open-source software, makes more room for its users to transform the language/source code as they use it. In line with Esperantos language ideology (as discussed in Chapter 5), there are people who find in Esperanto a language they can access and contribute to at the same time, both by simply speaking it on a more levelled playing field or by innovating through neologisms and wordplay. To a certain degree, the rights that speakers have to transform the Esperanto language through use are more comprehensive than when one speaks a national, hegemonic language. When Maxime wordplays or makes Internet memes in Esperanto by creatively mobilising word-formation processes, for instance, Esperantists tend to find his humorous mate- rials funny. He may display a French accent if this takes place in a voice chat or face-to-face conversation, but this only shows that French is his mother tongue, hardly raising critical comments from his inter- locutors. However, in a conversation with native speakers of English that he narrated to me, when he wordplayed in English displaying his French accent, his interlocutors did not understand the joke and doubted his English skills, thinking that he had made a mistake instead, which produced an embarrassing situation.

As with open-source software, when a neologism is needed to name something new or specific in Esperanto, despite the existence of the language council Akademio de Esperanto, virtually any Esperantist can have a say in how to coin new vocabulary and contribute to spreading new words virally.[30] Mimicking the distinction between open-source and proprietary software, Esperanto is set apart from more stable and hegemonic languages that are closely regulated by powerful language councils. If modifiability is what characterises the reorientation of power and knowledge implemented by open-source software (Kelty 2008: 10— 13), the same applies to Esperanto, which appears as a language that does not belong to any commercial enterprise or national group and that provides for considerable leeway to be modified, personalised and updated through use.

Accordingly, when British Esperantists planned their trip to the 2016 British Esperanto Conference in Liverpool and referred to the city's name in Esperanto as Hepatbaseno (a word-for-word translation of 'liver' + 'pool', as analysed in Chapter 5), they were not concerned whether their neologism would make it into dictionaries and common parlance. Rather, they were simply providing their group of friends (as well as the members of the mailing list of the Esperanto Association of Britain where that e-mail exchange took place) with some fun, through wordplay. Being no one's language and no one's property, Esperanto emerges as a code permanently under construction. The same freedom to contribute to language development manifests in non-standard words commonly used among young people, for whom maltrinki (the inverse of 'to drink') jokingly (and, some would argue, more respectfully) refers to the act of urinating (pisi). A further illustration of Esperanto as an open-source language appeared in a talk at the association Esperanto-France in Paris, in 2017, when a visiting Argentinian Esperantist referred to the northern hemisphere as malsuda hemisfero. In replacing the standard norda with the neologism malsuda (the inverse of 'south'), the speaker used the creative freedom allowed by the language to place the Global South at the heart of his narrative, in an entertaining post-colonial stance.

Analysing activism for open-source software, Gabriella Coleman (2013: 13—14) argues that the creative acts of hackers and geeks are oriented towards practices that enhance the utility of software while retaining a commitment to free speech and aesthetic experiences. Simi- larly, Esperantists address free speech through the language ideology of fairer and more egalitarian communication, and its aesthetic aspects are present in their creative use of the language. This perception of Esperanto as an ever-developing endeavour produces ties whereby both human languages and computer programming languages seem to call for practices of modifiability.

As much as with open-source software, Esperanto is rendered trans- parent and flexible, allowing its users to understand it fully and to occasionally contribute to its development. For Maxime and the several volunteers collaborating with the expansion of Vikipedio and the multi- lingual subtitling of YouTube videos, the key is to use Esperanto as a tool to build participatory cultures. Through decentralised, networked prac- tices, laypeople with diverse sets of expertise and interests co-produce knowledge and make information available to other Esperanto speakers and neglected audiences such as minority language speakers and deaf people. The same rationale applies to translating software and developing apps and interfaces, whereby freedom to code works in conjunction with freedom of speech. And by freedom of speech I mean not necessarily the right to express ideas without fear of sanctions or censorship (Boyer 2003; Candea 2019). In preventing users from modifying it, proprietary software codes do not allow users to express themselves fully using the computer programming language they 'speak'. Along analogous lines, the authority of powerful language councils and of native speakers of hege- monic languages prevents speakers from making use of such languages in ungrammatical or uncommon ways. Therefore, the freedom of speech pursued by Esperantist geeks refers to the freedom to use languages and media as one sees fit, through open-source software and an open-source language.

Preparing articles for the Esperanto Wikipedia, as well as subtitling videos in Esperanto and in minority languages, helps make knowledge more multilingual and accessible while also building community through participatory cultures. As Esperanto's links with free speech and fairer communication gain ground online, such initiatives propose novel ways to understand the connections between this language and internation- alist agendas, bringing to the fore radical, political ways of making communication and the media more collaborative and democratic.

7.3 Mind the (Age) Gap

Despite the baby boomers having launched the Internet, it was the gener- ations X, Y, Z and Millennials who took the lead in developing it and turning it into the present-day interactive and collaborative Web 2.0. By opening new venues for communication, technologies such as online language courses, social media and instant messaging apps emerged as alternatives to correspondence exchange, as well as to face-to-face language courses and meetings. Recent years have seen the first genera- tions of digital natives (Prensky 2001) becoming Esperantists. As people learn the language and make Esperantist friends from around the world online, few ever attend face-to-face gatherings or become members of associations.

In April 2017, halfway through my field research, a new mobile phone app came into being, shifting the materiality of Esperantujo. Chuck Smith, along with Richard Delamore (an Esperantist YouTuber known by the alias Evildea), launched Amikumu—a GPS-based app, originally designed for Esperanto speakers, aimed at bringing together language speakers and learners. Free of charge but built on propri- etary, closed-source code, the app consists of a directory of users located by their mobile phones' GPS and displayed according to proximity to ego. Each user has a social media-like profile, with a profile picture, short personal description and information on one's spoken languages and level of fluency in each of them. From this data, users nearby can practice a language by exchanging private texts on the app or arranging a meeting. Currently, Amikumu has a multilingual interface and is open to users of several languages (including sign languages). However, since its Esperanto version was the first to be launched, the app gained prominence in Esperantujo, with Amikumu's statistics reporting 14,258 Esperanto-speaking registered users as of early 2021, only behind English-speaking users.

After installing Amikumu, I started receiving almost daily push noti- fications and messages on the app, from my Paris-based Esperantist friends, from unknown local Esperantists inviting app users to attend face-to-face meetings and from Esperanto-speaking travellers who wished to meet during their stay in Paris. Likewise, at every meeting with Cedric, Maxime and the young Esperantists I knew beforehand, the materiality of the Internet was increasingly present. Mobile phones were constantly on people's hands and bar tables—a broader trend analysed since Daniel Miller's approach to the material bearings of digital media (Miller and Horst 2006; Miller 2009). Yet, among Esperantists, the presence of the mobile phone owed not only to the expectation of receiving a text at any time. Mobile phones were also essential to search for Esperanto words in online dictionaries during a conversation and to check, through Amikumu's GPS, whether there were other Esperantists nearby and whether the friends they had invited were on their way to their Esperanto gatherings.

Interestingly, while digital media brought Esperantists together and helped popularise the language, these media also brought about unin- tended consequences. The first generations of digital natives—who are '"native speakers" of the digital language of computers, video games and the Internet' (Prensky 2001: 1)—seem comfortable learning languages online, socialising primarily via text, making friends on the Internet (Boellstorff 2008) and using digital media as a means to arrange face-to- face gatherings. Yet digital immigrants—those not born amidst online communication technologies and who are non-native users of digital media (Prensky 2001)—seldom do the same. The latter seem to prefer face-to-face meetings over online chats and to perceive their digital media use as a continuation of everyday friendships, rather than a gateway to new, online friendships. This brings to the fore an already existing, but now amplified age cleavage in the Esperanto community and movement, in which previous generations struggle to use the same technologies as the latest ones, and vice versa.

Understanding this age cleavage requires reaching back to the 1920s, when the international Esperanto youth movement began being institu- tionalised in the embryonic association that later became the Tutmonda Esperantista Junulara Organizo (World Esperanto Youth Organisa- tion, hereafter TEJO) (see Lins 1974; Fians 2017). Headquartered in Rotterdam (just like UEA), TEJO aims to promote Esperanto among young people and to organise youth-oriented congresses and festivals. In turn, TEJO's French branch, Junulara Esperanta Franca Organizo/Esperanto-jeunes (French Esperanto Youth Organisation, hereafter JEFO), was founded in the late 1960s and is headquartered in Paris (using Esperanto-France's headquarters).[31] By promoting the use of the language among young people, these youth associations also insti- tutionalise and reinforce an age-based segmentation within Esperantujo, for JEFO's statute (2000), for instance, states that its members must be 35 years old or younger.[32]

In his classical discussion on age groups and age-based segmentation in the book Centuries of Childhood (1962), Phillipe Aries explains how the distinction among stages of life became increasingly central in the West via the establishment of a correspondence between biological phases of human development and the specific social functions and expectations attributed to each of these phases. Since the seventeenth century, chil- dren have been expected to devote more time to activities different fromthose performed by adults. In this sense, schooling played a major role in the constitution of childhood as a distinct stage in people's life cycle. Unlike medieval societies, the way in which modern Western societies emphasised the transition from childhood to adulthood culminated in the consolidation of adolescence and youth as intermediary life stages (Ben-Amos 1995: 70). More recently, youth gained centrality in the years since the Second World War: a consumer boom led to the creation of youth-targeted leisure and cultural products, such as music, fashion and literature, resulting in the consolidation of a lifestyle widely recognised as characteristic of this specific age group (Bennett 2015: 43—45).

Studies that focus on childhood (Hardman 2001: 504; Qvortrup 2009) argue that age groups constitute a transitory period in one's life as well as a permanent form in society—regardless of the individuals who compose each age group at a given moment. In concrete terms, this means that, when one comes of age, one leaves childhood and assumes a new status in another age group, but childhood as a structural form remains nonetheless. The main specificity of age groups—when compared to ethnic groups or social classes—is that the former are char- acterised by quicker turnover. As children become teenagers and adults become elders, age groups experience a total replacement with each generation (Sarmento 2005: 363—364; Qvortrup 2009). Yet this is not the case with generations as such, which sets an important distinction. The latter refers to a cohort of people born within a given time interval and exposed to similar age-related references and experiences (Pilcher 1994: 482—484). Hence, individuals born in a particular decade belong to a specific age group only for a certain period, but will pertain to the same generation from cradle to grave.

Having clarified the terms of the discussion, the age cleavage that historically led to the idea of youth—and the preferences and lifestyles associated with it—resulted in the establishment of Esperanto associa- tions such as TEJO and JEFO, as well as of festivals and congresses oriented especially towards young people. The Universal Congresses, for people from all ages, stand in contrast to the Internaciaj Junularaj Kongresoj (IJK, International Youth Congresses) held by TEJO and targeting younger Esperantists. Esperanto youth associations gained momentum after the Second World War, marking a distinction between two formally acknowledged and representative age groups: on the one hand, those younger than 30 years old and, on the other, every Esperan- tist older than that.

From this, we can begin to see the age cleavage between Esperantists younger than 30 years old and older Esperantists as a structural issue historically characterising enactments of Esperantujo. As Nikola Rasic (1994) illustrates through statistical data, most of the Esperanto associ- ations in Europe that surveyed their members throughout the twentieth century displayed larger numbers of older members than younger ones. These surveys also revealed the constant absence of an intermediary age group—made up of people in their middle adulthood years who likely devote more time to marriage, child-rearing and full-time employment than to volunteer work and activities at associations (Rasic 1994: 180— 181). Proving that such age cleavage among Esperantists is not exclusive to twenty-first-century France, Rasic leaves an open-ended question: to what extent are associations willing to adapt their activities to make them more appealing to young people?[33]

Age groups have permanence, but are, at the same time, 'subject to change due to changing societal parameters and perhaps also changing size' (Qvortrup 2009: 27). In this sense, the perceived long-standing age cleavage in Esperantujo may be widening in recent years due to the unequal use of emerging technologies by Esperantists from different age groups. Natively digital Esperantists are familiar with the use of digital media to make Esperantist friends, to text and arrange face-to- face meetings with them, as well as to share Internet memes and links to blogs and other platforms. By contrast, older Esperantists customarily resort to associations, failing to follow certain references to online Esper- antist participatory cultures, and concentrating their efforts on editing magazines, holding face-to-face debates and calculating membership figures.

This, partly in line with Marc Prensky's (2001) stress on the impor- tance of speaking the 'digital language', leads to the conclusion that digital media has played a significant role in widening age cleavages on the grounds of what is regularly communicated between people from different generations—and what is not. Which is paradoxical, given that digital media is said to increase, accelerate and intensify communication, not to obstruct it. One outcome of this phenomenon is that younger and older Esperantists—relatively kept apart from each other and only loosely connected by the language they all speak—do not usually use Esperanto to speak to each other.

7.4 On Rhythms, Regularities and Seasons

In opening a novel space for this speech community to manifest itself, the Internet also introduced new paces and rhythms into sociabilities and community-building. Alongside the much-celebrated speed of tech- nological innovation and the speed in which society embraces emerging technologies and takes them for granted (Miller and Horst 2012), digital media have also shifted our experience of time. Through three conse- quential outcomes, Duolingo neatly illustrates how technology makes us more time-aware and brings experiences of rhythms and speed to the fore. Firstly, while such online language courses allow people to learn a language at their own pace—without feeling obliged to attend classes or fulfil the expectations of a teacher—the playfulness and competitive- ness at the heart of gamification cause learners to take lessons relentlessly as they rush to win the game. Secondly, after completing a language course for the sake of entertainment and fun, several learners give up the language without effectively joining the speech community, making for a strikingly short-lived engagement with Esperanto. Thirdly, as gamifica- tion favours functional over structural approaches to language learning, online learners tend to feel prepared to start using the language promptly, right after learning sentences such as 'how are you?' and 'where are you from?'.

While correspondence exchange demands a lengthy response time, voice communication over a phone call requests an immediate reac- tion. Interspersed with these and other experiences of time, social media and instant messaging apps allow people to either hold a real-time, synchronous communicative exchange or, through delayed replies, let a conversation over text drag on for days. Moreover, the fast pace brought by digital media enables Esperantists to organise gatherings last-minute. The irregular and extemporaneous character of these exchanges contrasts with the regularity of the biweekly classes, weekly debates and annual congresses that historically characterised most Esperanto activities.

In addition, the irregular brings with it the potential for the ubiqui- tous: no matter where one is in the world, if one has access to digital media, there will always be someone else available online, whether on a Telegram or Facebook group, who could react almost instantly to one's text or comment. Due to the community's geographical dispersion, the sun never sets in Esperantujo—as well as on the Internet—so that time zones are a matter to be always taken into consideration, but hardly an obstacle to communication.[34]

Nonetheless, the experience of time on the Internet resembles that of the Universal Congresses of Esperanto in at least one crucial aspect: that of ephemerality. Both online and at these annual gatherings, commu- nicative exchanges tend to be short-lived, involving people with whom one may never talk again, configuring friendships that are intense and exciting, but that often lack in longevity.

During my fieldwork, the uses of digital media gained materiality particularly during the summer of 2017, which brings the seasons of the year to this discussion about the experience of time. The summer in the northern hemisphere marks a shift of rhythms: owing to longer holi- days and people's travel plans, this is the moment when several Esperanto associations are closed, and their regular activities, interrupted. This is also the season when the largest and most international Esperanto congresses—such as the Universal Congress, the Congress of SAT and the International Youth Congress—take place. As more people seize their holidays to travel, more people use Pasporta Servo[35] and Amikumu to meet local Esperantists and ask for lodging. In this sense, carrying out fieldwork in a touristic place such as Paris meant paying close attention to my mobile phone at all times during the summer, receiving frequent push notifications from Amikumu and e-mails from Pasporta Servo to inform me that someone had contacted me. Such summer requests also included offering occasional guided tours to Esperanto-speaking families and receiving last-minute requests from Esperantist backpackers to meet up during their short stays in Paris.

In line with the widespread perception that the pace of life is accel- erating and that the Internet is largely to blame for it—as critically discussed by Judy Wajcman (2015)—digital media seem to have filled people's days with more activities, commitments and, above all, possibili- ties. Being able to learn a language from their mobile phones, people have found yet another way to cope with boredom while waiting in queues or using public transport. Meanwhile, playing a language-learning video game likely increases one's engagement with the language, thus accel- erating learning. Once the game is over, however, many learners' brief participation in the speech community is also terminated. Lastly, as an activity to kill time, make friends, build networks of sociability and meet new people during one's summer holidays, the use of Esperanto emerges largely as a leisure activity. As such, Esperanto keeps learners and speakers entertained, provides them with moments of enjoyment and distraction, demands no serious or long-term commitment and appears best suited for waiting times, after-hours and holidays.

7.5 What Is Left Unsaid When

Communication Takes Place Largely Online?

While Cedric was enthusiastic about Esperanto's logical functioning and about the friends he made as a consequence of using the language, Chuck Smith and Maxime ventured into bold Esperanto-related projects— either with commercial purposes or, in the latter case, precisely to fight the commercialisation of speech and code. However, as previously explained, little of these activities were translated into active member- ship or volunteering in associations. Certainly, not everyone is equally connected to the Internet and the use of digital media is unequal worldwide. Still, digital media have raised concerns among Esperantists globally regarding the use of emerging technologies for community- building purposes. Mark Fettes, then president of UEA, approached the ageing of certain enactments of Esperantujo at the global level in his opening speech at the 103rd Universal Congress of Esperanto, in Lisbon, in 2018. When talking about the one million people enrolled on Duolingo Esperanto courses at that time, he regretted that most learners have not been attending UEAs annual international gatherings:

We all probably know the statistics, according to which, every year, hundreds of thousands of online learners decide to start learning Esperanto. We don't know much about their reasons for making this choice, but we probably share similar reasons to do so: curiosity, idealism, interest in languages, willingness to learn. And, as in every course, only some of them continue their study or reach the end of their first course of study [...]. We can't expect that more than five or ten per cent of these learners will persist until reaching a basic level of competence. However, five per cent of one million people means 50,000 new potential Esperan- tists [...]. But these 50,000 are not here among us; neither 5,000 nor 500 of these newbies. Of course, I'm not saying that one has to take part in the Universal Congress to become a real Esperantist! But we are allowed to expect that some of these people who find their ways to Esperanto would find their way here, through our biggest cultural party, the most striking proof of the vitality of our language, its people and its tradi- tions. I have no doubt that, among us, today, there are some people who started studying Esperanto online and who have joined the movement little by little. Welcome to you, make yourself at home! But we have to think about those many others who are missing here. (Fettes 2018: 2; my translation)

Reaching back to the discussion in the previous chapter, association- bound Esperantists tend to mirror Mark Fettes' perspective, according to which the early natively digital generations of Esperantists hardly acknowledge the features that characterise Esperanto as 'more than a language', namely the regular and institutionalised community, the social movement, the sets of cosmopolitan principles and the political causes historically linked to Esperanto. From this perspective, if Esperanto is emptied of these, then what is left, apart from grammar and vocabulary?

Cedric, Maxime and several of their friends and followers on social media did not regularly spread the word about the language at stalls at events and rarely volunteered at Esperanto associations or attended Universal Congresses. Yet, using Esperanto, they engaged in participa- tory cultures and activism for freedom of speech through freedom to code, rendered software freely available and information more acces- sible, as well as chatted (online and offline) and met fellow Esperantists from diverse national and linguistic backgrounds. As they did so, they had fun: having coolified Esperanto (Gobbo 2021), they read it through the lenses of collaboration, playfulness and sociability. Ultimately, the distance that keeps association-bound and natively digital Esperantists apart and widens the age cleavage described above begins with different uses of media that lead to distinct experiences of time.

In his work on forms of engaging with time and political activism in present-day Germany's fastest-shrinking city, Felix Ringel (2012, 2018) argues that differences in political activism also owe to how each activist group engages with specific regimes of temporal reasoning. Ringel describes how the neo-Nazis in that city had a rather distant original past behind them and, as a consequence, a strong basis for thinking of them- selves as embedded in history. In this sense, they longed for a glorious past that Germany once lived, which they tried to bring back through practices oriented towards the distant future, built upon a long-term endeavour. By contrast, the anarchist collective established in the same city focused its actions on the present and near future. Since this collec- tive had come into being in recent times, it had no long-term past to be remembered, re-enacted or reclaimed.

In a comparable manner, Esperanto associations stand on the shoul- ders of giants, which imbues their members with a sense of duty to keep these associations up and running, given their history of endurance and their expected futures. Although duolinganoj and natively digital Esperantists share with associations the history that brought Esperanto into being as it currently is, their experiences of learning and using the language are only partly analogous to previous generations—which, in turn, have gone by without relying on online resources and digital media.

Most importantly, the fact that the latest generations' engagements with Esperanto are less shaped by the perception of Esperanto as a cause to be advanced helps characterise these generations' experience of time as being more focused on the present. On the one hand, association-bound Esperantists like Dominique and JoPo (volunteers at SAT-Amikaro) and Mark Fettes (UEA's president) have clear goals in mind—such as the use of Esperanto for left-wing political activism or the consolidation of the language in the international communication scenario—and try to materialise these goals through their association-based activism. Doing so implies equalling the Esperanto movement to traditional social move- ments, thus positing a linear march towards a given moment in the (near or far) future in which a final, predetermined goal should be reached (Maeckelbergh 2011). On the other hand, natively digital Esperantists regularly use Esperanto to build networks of sociability and to code, as well as to translate and co-produce publicly available knowledge. In the latter case, acknowledging past contributions and working towards the future give way to a present-oriented approach: their actions bear fruits in real time, as their contributions to Vikipedio are uploaded and the apps they create and enhance are downloaded in minutes or seconds.

Digital media, then, appear at the heart of a thought-provoking phenomenon. In several ways, the younger generations of natively digital Esperantists have strengthened the Esperanto community—a new form of community, whose materialisations can be systematically traced back to the Internet. However, they do so at the expense of the movement—by relating to Esperanto as an ordinary collaborative tool more than a cause to be promoted. Social class and political orientations were once the central elements that characterised the schisms in Esperantujo between a neutral and a left-wing, workers' Esperanto movement. Over time, as the stereotypes associated with Esperantists shifted from revolutionaries to geeks, Esperantujo came to be segmented mostly along the lines of generations of digital natives and digital immigrants, with the latter occa- sionally raising concerns over the future of the language being left on the hands of those who seize the present.

Although this generational distinction may seem stark at first, it does not mean that association-bound Esperantists do not use the language online. Yet, they are not usually familiar with gifs, Internet memes or technical vocabulary about open-source software, nor do they establish digital media as their primary means of joining Esperantujo. Commu- nicating through text in a rapid pace in online settings with readily available interlocutors, gathering contributors to co-write a Wikipedia article that can be accessed few hours later and holding a well-attended gathering organised last-minute: such forms of experiencing time do not speak equally to every Esperantist—nor to every human being within the same community or society. Thus, the cleavages distinguishing such generations sometimes leave digital natives with little to communicate and share with association-bound activists, despite the fact that they all speak the same language.

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8

We Have Never Been Universal: How Speaking a Language Becomes a Prefigurative Practice

One day in October 2016, this anthropologist began to miss academia and took a break from fieldwork to attend a philosophy conference at the Musee du quai Branly. Located at the foot of the Eiffel Tower, this museum has surrounded by controversies since its construction, being alternatively regarded as a postcolonial space where one 'unlearns ethno- centrism' or as 'the Disneyland of exoticism' that glorifies alterity. That day, the museum would become the stage for another controversy—this time, a minor one, involving an anthropologist and his quest to take his (non-)natives (speakers) seriously.

At the coffee break during the conference, a philosophy professor from the Ecole normale superieure approached me and asked, in French, as an ordinary scholarly ice breaker, what I was researching. When I told her I was looking at political activism among Esperanto speakers in France, she received this information with surprise: 'Oh, Esperanto? Are there people who still speak this language?' After explaining to me that English had become widely spoken in France and that the French were not resisting its use as they used to, she stressed that there was no point in opposing English anymore. When I told her that most Esperanto speakers I had met did not see the language as being necessarily opposed to English, she

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shrugged and replied, unyieldingly: 'Ben oui, mais c'estperdu'. 'Esperanto is a lost cause': despite everything it makes people do, the language is widely perceived as a failure, an anachronism in the twenty-first century.

So far this book has examined the mise en discours of Esperanto, exploring how the language became an instrument for fairer commu- nication and political activism, and how digital media have reshaped language use and community-building. Yet, some of the questions that Esperantists are most frequently asked remain to be addressed: what leads people to study Esperanto? Why would someone learn a supposedly universal language that is spoken by so few? Or, put simply, 'what is the point of learning this language?' The underlying assumptions grounding such questions move our inquiry from what is left unsaid when a language is barely used to what gains prominence when a language is effectively used in its spoken and written forms.

After analysing face-to-face and online Esperanto gatherings, I now delve into Esperantists' themselves, which means 'actual people and their lives, words, and affects — their subjectivities' (Biehl and Locke 2010: 320—321), which are at the core of this study both explicitly and between the lines. Concentrating on individual Esperantists and their practices, this chapter analyses people's motivations to learn and use the language, also exploring how Esperanto plays out in people's everyday lives and provides them with novel experiences. I argue that an analyt- ical focus on subjectivities and individual practices dislocates Esperanto from the framework of traditional social movements (as presented in Chapter 6) and brings about the possibility of reading Esperanto through the lens of prefiguration and prefigurative politics. By unpacking how people like Martine, Daniel, Idris and Julien—who are the heart of this chapter—mobilise Esperanto to build alternative social relations, I look at perspectives on the playfulness of the language, how to render it useful and how to perceive it as an alternative to other languages and manners of communicating. In sidestepping claims that define Esperanto as a language that failed to become universal, individual Esperantists concen- trate on regimes of temporal reasoning that enable them to do something out of Esperanto at present. Ultimately, this chapter invites the reader to think about what Esperantujo gains and loses with the present-oriented, prefigurative approaches enacted by Esperantists and what anthropology itself gains and loses in emphasising discussions on prefiguration.

8.1 Deleuze and the Esperantology of Becoming

The frequent opportunities I had to travel using Esperanto—and the centrality such travelling has to Esperantists—led me to accept the invitation from Esperanto-France to give talks at several Esperanto asso- ciations across the country. As this Tour de France began, in February 2017, one of my stops was La Roche-sur-Yon, the 54,000-inhabitant capital city of the French department of Vendee, where I arrived on a cold but sunny Saturday morning. A group of 25 Esperan- tists welcomed me for the monthly meeting of the local association Esperanto-Vendee, where I would give a talk about social anthropology, followed by a communal lunch, board games and informal conversations, all conducted in Esperanto. At the end of the day, Martine and Daniel— a couple living in a town on the Atlantic coast, 45 kms away from La Roche—would host me for the evening, before I continued my tour the following day. While we were in the car heading towards their home, the talkative and enthusiastic couple were eager to share with me, in a conversation entirely in Esperanto, the experiences they had when they travelled to Brazil a few years before.

Martine and Daniel, who were in their mid-fifties, started studying Esperanto in 2004, after they came across a rock singer who had an Esperanto song in her repertoire. Only later did they learn about the cosmopolitan principles behind the language. At the time, Daniel was working as a Republican guard and lived with Martine and their two children in Paris. As Daniel was dissatisfied with his job and Martine did not like living in the capital city, the couple decided to move to this town, where they started working together as self-employed gravure printers. Their lifestyle changes also included quitting smoking, devoting time to Esperanto and committing themselves to 'enjoy life to the fullest'. After studying Esperanto through face-to-face classes for two years at the association Esperanto-Vendee, the couple took advantage of their flex- ible work schedule and the coming of age of their children to use the language to meet people, make new friends and travel abroad.

Once at our destination, Daniel opened the front door and, with a wide gesture pointing to the living room, welcomed me with a 'bonvenon!' The two-bedroom house was simple but spacious, with the few pieces of furniture decorated mostly with objects they brought from their trips around the world. Daniel enthusiastically showed me around while carrying my rucksack to the second bedroom, which had been built 'to host Esperantists — and, secondarily, our daughters'. Despite Vendee not being a popular travel destination in France, the couple occasionally hosted Esperantists who came to give talks at the local association. Inviting me into the kitchen while they finished preparing dinner, Martine continued telling me about their 2011 trip to Sao Paulo to attend the 46th Brazilian Congress of Esperanto. Instead of making concrete plans for the two weeks they intended to stay in the country, the couple ended up meeting Esperantists at the congress who offered to host them throughout Brazil.

Daniel then asked me to follow him. Around the house, he showed me photos, souvenirs and pieces of decoration they had brought from Brazil, Vietnam, Thailand, Cambodia and Poland, places they visited after having learned Esperanto. After a failed attempt at playing a Vietnamese bamboo flute from their collection, he said:

The greatest thing about attending local and national Esperanto meetings abroad is that we are often among the few foreigners there. The local Esperantists are curious, they come and talk to us, and we make friends easily. This gives us great opportunities to visit other places and make friends. That's how we choose the places we want to visit. So, we met nice people [Esperantists] from Vietnam, and they said we could visit their country and be hosted by them. That's what we did. For me, this is the only interesting way of travelling. Check this out!

Daniel then took me to where their car was parked, in front of the house. Mocking his talkativeness, Martine followed us and interrupted him: 'I know, you're gonna show him the bumper sticker, right?' They both laughed, and he indeed showed me the white sticker on the black Citroen, with the image of two backpackers (a man and a woman), followed by the sentence (in Esperanto): 'The crazy grandparents travel alternatively thanks to Esperanto'. He commented:

I keep saying that we're not tourists, we're Esperantists. I don't like to visit a place as a tourist, to just go sightseeing. I like to be hosted by local people, to learn about their customs and their everyday life, and to visit the place itself. And Esperanto is what enabled and encouraged us to do so.

Over dinner, Daniel explained how they pushed themselves to quit smoking by investing their cigarette money on travelling:

We must make the changes we want. Many people say things like 'Oh, I'll change my lifestyle, work less and enjoy life more when my partner or friends are free to do the same'; 'Oh, I'll learn Esperanto when everyone else speaks it.' That's not how things should be. We have to make the change. So, we decided to change our lifestyle, and Esperanto is part of this change. After meeting nice people at Esperanto meetings, we keep in touch and sometimes visit them. Thanks to Esperanto, we trav- elled beyond Europe and, indirectly, also thanks to Esperanto, we quit smoking. We wouldn't be able to travel alternatively if it wasn't because of Esperanto. What would we do? Would we wait for everyone else to learn this language? No! We did it, and it changed our lives now.

Despite both Martine and Daniel being fluent in German and Daniel speaking English, they still decided to study another language. Yet, they did not regard Esperanto as any other language. They turned it into part of the alternative lifestyle they pursued, linking it to their decision to move to a small town and start their own business. They wanted to travel the world in a different way, dismissing the label 'tourist', and Esperanto played a major role in this. If they stayed at hotels when travelling, for instance, they would be ordinary tourists. Then, if they stuck to visiting only French friends living abroad, their contact with locals could have been restricted. They could use Couchsurfing.com to have closer contacts with locals when abroad—in which case, they would likely have to use English, French or German to communicate. However, being Esperantists enabled them to connect with fellow speakers abroad in another sense, as they joined a borderless network-like community in which they could both make themselves at home and be surrounded by national Others during their trips. As Martine's and Daniel's perspective shows, Esperanto was not the only alternative they had available to 'make them do' what they do in terms of travelling. Nevertheless, this is the path they chose to follow among several others because it allows them to become part of an international community. In adopting an alternative lifestyle and embedding the language within these changes, Martine and Daniel were drawing what Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari (1987) call lines offlight.

Deleuze and Guattari argue that the capitalist system captures and channels people's creativity into the dominant territorialities of the system (Guattari 2016: 99). In this sense, lines of flight constitute ways of breaking through capitalism's control and normalisation, enabling people to escape the status quo not by going against it, but rather by moving away from it. In drawing experimental lines of flight, people generate new connections and open up multiplicities through ruptures that produce deterritorialised possibilities. To illustrate this, Deleuze and Guattari (1987: 3—25) contrast the image of the tree with that of the rhizome. Trees constitute deeply rooted territories, with roots that grow in particular directions, as well as branches and leaves that flourish towards sunlight. Rhizomes, in turn, are deterritorialised: they have no beginning or end and develop in any direction, assuming forms that are neither fixed nor well established. Any point of a rhizome can connect to something else, whereas trees and roots fix an order and establish a struc- ture. Like rhizomes, lines of flight open up for multiple, open-ended creative trajectories—yet, if they become goal-oriented or structured, their flows are captured and they become territorialised again.

For Martine and Daniel, Esperanto acted as an open-ended escape route. Perhaps learning Esperanto would not have helped them to live in another country or improved their prospects on the job market. Never- theless, it opened up possibilities that contributed to rupturing with their previous lifestyle and that brought about unforeseen changes.

Yet, as with any line of flight, Esperanto can only address a finite number among multiple dimensions available (Deleuze and Guattari 1987: 9). As discussed in Chapter 4, the Esperanto-related multiplicities at stake relate to an enhanced appreciation of (inter)national diversity, which includes opportunities to travel abroad and learn more about the world from one's contact with fellow Esperantists from different national and linguistic backgrounds. Hence, insofar as Esperanto opens up for Martine and Daniel to engage with a given multiplicity, it also flattens the multiplicities to be addressed and restricts them to those concerning (inter)national diversity.

The couple repeatedly stressed that Esperanto 'enabled them' to meet certain people and do certain things otherwise. Juxtaposing their use of the verb to enable with Bruno Latour's remarks on the transitive form of the expression making do (2005: 216—217) can be of use for our anal- ysis. Latour comments on making do as in 'X making Y do Z'—which, in this case, relates to Esperanto making this couple travel and make friends the way they do. This is not simply a matter of causing or doing some- thing, but of providing an input to the actors involved, making room for them to act and impelling their action. In enabling them to travel in ways they would possibly not do otherwise, Esperanto also pushed part of their lifestyle change towards communicating internationally and travelling beyond Europe.

In many ways, Esperanto ended up making them do more than they had originally thought. At first, they were seeking an alternative lifestyle and became unambitiously interested in learning the language. Later, Esperanto provided them with lines of flight: as they became increas- ingly involved with it, the events they attended and Esperantist friends they made impelled them to turn travelling and meeting locals abroad into life priorities. Delving into Esperantujo, the couple—who used to spend their family holidays in Alsace with Martine's family—came to value internationality more than before. After mobilising their Esperanto networks to visit several countries, their latest trips were to attend the 2017 International Youth Congress, in Togo, and the 2018 Universal Congress of Esperanto, in Portugal.

Martine's and Daniel's process of becoming (Biehl and Locke 2010) Esperantists also involved an open-ended process of working their selves.

Through the Esperantist connections they established, the language made them engage with the world differently. Hence, Esperanto 'makes people do' in the sense of adding something to their initial drive to act; something that potentially operates changes in the lives of those who speak it. Learning and experiencing the world at present are conveyed in the couple's narrative as imperatives. Additionally, the contacts they established through Esperanto enabled them to keep in their lives in that small town some of the diversity and unpredictability of their previous life in Paris through the frequent possibility of having enriching inter- national, multicultural encounters with new people. When participating in meetings at the association Esperanto-Vendee, the couple were not longing for a future in which everyone would ideally speak the language. Likewise, they did not try to ensure the intergenerational continuity of Esperantujo in the long term through teaching the language to their children. Instead of being concerned about the language's making do— meaning getting by or surviving, in its intransitive sense—they were more interested in the transitive form of making do, read in terms of potentiality and open-ended multiplicities.

'Thanks to Esperanto', what seemed, at first, simply an interesting intellectual game of language learning became a wider engagement with international travelling. Over time, in a feedback loop derived from their Esperantist contacts and friends, this couple came to adopt a specific conception of individual, that is, of a cosmopolitan—a citizen of the world. As such, by refusing the label 'tourists', they regularly made themselves at home when abroad through their belonging to Esperan- tujo, thanks to which they mingled with locals who were simultaneously fellow Esperantists and national Others.

8.2 Doing Things Differently: Esperanto as a Powerful Alternative

In line with Martine's and Daniel's pursuit of an open-ended alternative lifestyle through Esperanto, Roberto Garvra (2015: 115) reminds us that 'people searching for meaning and authenticity not in a distant heaven, but right now and here' have historically been well represented among

Esperantists. As Gama's study illustrates—and as my ethnographic data corroborates—spiritualists, theosophists, vegetarians, vegans and LGBT+ are numerous in Esperantujo. In addition to these, others are drawn to Esperanto through their quest for alternatives of other kinds. This is the case of Idris.

Idris is Tunisian—and this is the trait that seemed to be most commonly used by people to describe him. A 43-year-old computer scientist living in Paris, he had been an active Esperantist for five years when we first met, in 2016. His mindset and the way he articulated his ideas quickly made him one of my key interlocutors, as well as a close friend during fieldwork.

Idris was born in a city close to Paris but, when he was five years old, his family moved back to Tunisia. After being raised speaking French and Arabic in a Tunisian mid-sized city, he decided to follow his Tunisian cousins path and moved to Ukraine for his undergraduate degree in Computer Science. On arrival, since he could speak neither Ukrainian nor Russian, he enrolled in a year-long Russian course offered by his university before commencing his degree. Even though his degree would be in Russian, he ended up having to learn both languages since his everyday life was to be in Ukrainian. Moving to Ukraine made him aware of obstacles in communication, which would be essential for shaping some of his further interests in life.

As a computer scientist, he also needed an advanced level of English for his degree and, later, for work. Switching between different computer programming languages and human languages, he finished his degree, worked in Ukraine for a few years and was later offered a job in Paris, which brought him back to France. In a conversation entirely in French after one of the Friday debates at SAT-Amikaro's headquarters, I asked him about his reasons to speak Esperanto. He immediately recalled his early days in Ukraine and his everyday struggle to juggle between Ukrainian and Russian:

Moving to Ukraine made me aware of the very concept of 'language.' At that time, I was reflecting on how language learning is difficult and on how people sometimes refuse to speak other peoples' languages for polit- ical reasons. Then, a few years ago, when I already lived in Paris, these thoughts came back to my mind. I simply typed 'language simple to learn' on the Internet and came across Esperanto. That was in 2011. I imme- diately became interested in it because of its regularity. After studying Esperanto online for one year, I had the impression that I could speak it fluently, but I had never spoken it because I was studying it by myself. I decided to look for places where I could practice it with someone, but I thought I might be the only person in the world to speak it. Then, I found the website of SAT-Amikaro. When I realised there were even Esperanto associations in Paris, I said to myself: 'This is the fina venko [final victory] coming true!' I realised I could meet people and speak Esperanto with them for real.

After narrating in detail the day he became a member of SAT-Amikaro, Idris emphasised that the possibility of choosing to learn Esperanto was what motivated him the most about it:

I like French because I have always spoken it. I learned Arabic because I moved to Tunisia and my family came from there. I have good memories related to Russian and Ukrainian because I made a lot of great friends there and still keep in touch with some of them. It was very difficult in the beginning because I moved to Ukraine without being able to understand the language, and I couldn't even read signs in bus stops and subway stations because of the different alphabet. But Esperanto is the only language I have chosen to learn. I had to learn those other languages because I needed them to study and work. It's not that these languages were imposed on me, but I had to learn them if I wanted to live in these places. And since I work with computers and everything related to infor- matics is in English, I learned English as well. I like English very much. Maybe it's because English helped me get a job and gave me a lot of opportunities... But I chose to learn Esperanto, so it's a different feeling. I'm not saying necessarily that Esperanto is my favourite language, but I have an affective relationship with it because of this issue of choice.

Just as Vincent Crapanzano tries to explain an ambivalent personal rela- tion with demons in his Portrait of a Moroccan (1980), the portrait of this Tunisian depicts a non-compulsory and non-instrumental, but still useful, personal relation with a language. Idris was not used to travelling and never used Esperanto abroad. Yet, as an association member who always attended activities at both Esperanto-France and SAT-Amikaro, he managed to meet several foreign Esperantists visiting Paris. As he repeatedly said, he liked Esperanto no matter who spoke it, which was why he did not see a significant difference between the political orien- tations of these two associations that had displayed an open rivalry in the past. Apart from regularly attending both associations' activities, he often used digital media and Amikumu, and joined informal face-to-face Esperanto gatherings arranged online whenever he could find time free from work and family commitments.

Like Martine and Daniel, Idris started learning Esperanto as part of a pursuit of alternatives, without having a clear expectation of effectively using the language. However, Idris' search was, since the beginning, for linguistic alternatives that could address the social exclusion and miscom- munication he faced in his initial months living in Ukraine. After having mastered three writing systems and five languages, he decided to plunge into Esperanto as a further linguistic challenge.

Idris summarised his passion for Esperanto with the terms 'choice' and 'different feeling', opposing them to 'need'. He contrasted this with the instrumental learning of the languages he had to use to study, work and live in different countries, emphasising that Esperanto was never neces- sary for him to achieve his most pressing and tangible life goals. Instead, what first attracted him to Esperanto was its regularity, its apparent non-instrumentality and a certain degree of pointlessness.

His continuous use of the language and membership in associa- tions were confirmations of his choice, which eventually enticed him to make another language-related decision. Four years after coming across Esperanto, he started studying Mandarin online. Studying Esperanto caused him to rediscover the pleasure of learning languages for the sake of it, as he neither planned to travel to China nor looked for Chinese personal or professional contacts.

The influence of Esperanto on his life went beyond a rekindled passion for language learning. His process of becoming an Esperantist, which included learning more about linguistic diversity and discrimination, made him aware of the importance of language in building inclusive and empathetic social relations. As a consequence of him having reconceptu- alised his experiences with language and communication, he had lately been incorporating techniques of nonviolent communication (Rosen- berg 2005) into his daily life, making conscious attempts to express his feelings and needs in ways that evinced his empathy towards his inter- locutors. Meanwhile, even though his partner did not share his passion for languages, she was convinced by his speeches about how a deeper understanding of the world's linguistic and cultural diversity can enhance one's sympathy towards others.

If, for Idris, using Esperanto is non-compulsory, non-instrumental and viewed as a pastime occupation—as something he does in his free time, outside his working hours—we could read it, at first glance, as a hobby. Nonetheless, if perhaps it was so at first, it later grew in importance for him.

In early December 2016, during one of the regular debates at SAT- Amikaro, he explained one of the ways in which he used Esperanto for practical purposes. Amidst a discussion on labour, salaries and work conditions across the world, Frederic, a retired railway worker, narrated how he met his wife-to-be through a discussion in Esperanto about such topics. As he read an article on SAT's periodical Sennaciulo about work conditions in China, Frederic became curious about the situa- tion of railway workers there. Through Esperantist friends, he reached a Chinese Esperantist who had recently retired as a railway worker. By e-mail, Frederic asked her a number of questions about railways in the country. Laughing, he added: 'at first she suspected I could be a spy or something because I was asking too many questions. But then I told her that we were both Esperantists, both railway workers, and I just wanted to use the language to learn more about railway workers in China'. Even- tually, they realised they had a lot in common besides their occupation and, two years after his first e-mail, Frederic moved to China and they got married.

Upon hearing this story, Idris smiled discreetly. Crossing his legs and leaning towards the table, Idris spelt out how such alternative ways of accessing information had become one of the core incentives for him to continue using Esperanto. For Idris, hegemonic, national languages such as English and French had become intrinsically connected with mass communication: to reach as wide a public as possible, major news outlets often convey information in English. Likewise, as he claimed, the logic behind social media prompts users to write public posts on their timelines and profiles more than to exchange personal messages, as well as to post in a more widely used language like English, so that users can communicate with a larger public and become more influential. Esperanto, by contrast, proposes a different rationale:

Esperanto is more about personal communication. I can write to a random Esperantist anywhere via social media and ask them something about life in their country or about their mother tongue. With other languages, maybe I couldn't do this. It wouldn't make sense for me to send a private message to a random person in English or French asking these things because they would be suspicious of me; they would think I'm a weirdo. But it's possible to do this using Esperanto, because that's the whole point of it: to enable a different form of communication, to allow people who don't know each other to get in touch. So, most communica- tion in English and other similar [meaning 'national'] languages focuses on mass communication, but Esperanto makes us more open to what is called ad hoc communication [he used the expression in English].

When learning foreign languages at school, students are often presented with a vague idea that a given language skill will be useful for them in the future—this usefulness being loosely defined in terms of job oppor- tunities and trips abroad. For Idris, however, the usefulness of languages became clear early in his life: Arabic, French, English, Ukrainian and Russian served his immediate purposes and were more closely linked to his personal and professional needs. By contrast, his drive to learn Esperanto was not goal-oriented, even though it spoke directly to his desire to find an easy-to-learn language. Yet Esperanto's seeming non- instrumentality, or pointlessness, was what made it useful to Idris. It added a non-compulsory character to the language learning process, which, free from any sort of commitment or obligation, became fun and opened up possibilities to him regarding ad hoc communication.

In establishing meaningful one-to-one contacts with Esperantists from other countries, Idris used Esperanto and the Internet to establish more horizontal and autonomous global networks of communication. Although the social media he used (mostly Facebook and Twitter) could serve mainstream purposes, he attempted to engage with them as tech- nologies for the construction of autonomy (Castells et al. 2004: 246). In this way, he sidestepped the one-to-many approach of mass media and the many-to-many focus of public posts on social media (Castells 2008: 90). Along similar lines, Idris regarded the SAT-Amikaro debates as safe spaces in which he not only practised the language, but also remained up-to-date with world news and politics as these topics were shared and debated by his peers, without the mediation of journalists.

Certainly, Idris is not the only person who seeks alternatives to mass communication. Looking at twenty-first-century alterglobalisation movements in line with Idris' critique of mass communication, several studies have explored how activists dismiss political representation by deploying certain communicative strategies that oppose mainstream mass media. Authors such as Maple Razsa and Andrej Kurnik (2012), for instance, describe ethnographically how the political practices of the 2011 Occupy Movement in Ljubljana, Slovenia, enacted alternative forms of communication and decision-making. While representative democracy empowers politicians and political parties to act as legiti- mate spokespeople for their voters, direct action activists in Ljubljanas Occupy encampment tried to incorporate the voices of every activist into their debates in the public square, making room for everyone to speak for themselves and represent themselves through direct democracy. Their tactics encouraged the formation of decentralised workshops, in which marginalised minorities could express themselves, learn from each other and carry out political action within the movement regardless of the majority's support. With this strategy, Occupy Slovenia empowered its participants by providing safe spaces for them to be individually heard.

Teivo Teivainen (2016) also analyses the interplay of representation and communication by looking at similar alterglobalisation movements such as the World Social Forum and Occupy Wall Street. Teivainen argues that these movements' activists dismiss political representation, as well as the delegation of power and responsibilities to others, by valuing prefiguration. In short, prefiguration is a political strategy that entails a congruence between the ends that activists aim to reach and the means they employ to reach them—which posits that democratic goals must be achieved through democratic means (Teivainen 2016: 23— 24). Examining the materialisation of such stances in general assemblies at occupied city squares, Teivainen concludes that democratic decision- making is more likely to take place in units of relatively small scale, in which anyone can be more easily heard. Along these lines, voice gains ground as a core element in building a more inclusive and horizontal society.

Just as direct democracy and horizontal communication find in small units their prime location, Esperanto provides Idris and other Esperan- tists with a space oriented towards a smaller public and more specific interlocutors who, through cosmopolitan principles and sociabilities, are likely to be more open to certain differences. Hence, commu- nicative spaces set by Esperanto make room for every participant to make their individual contribution and be heard, through a network of non-native speakers speaking a language over which no one can claim linguistic authority. Once the frame (Bateson 1972: 177—193) of Esperantujo is established, such relatively hierarchy-free, democratic communicative settings enable Esperantists to have access to first-hand information about different places across the world through people's experiences, narratives and personal impressions, rather than through the more impersonal accounts coming from journalists. It is in this sense that communication in Esperanto shares features with communi- cation carried out by activists for global justice and against neoliberal globalisation: Esperantujo also provides a space in which horizontal ad hoc communication (in Esperanto) is valued as an alternative to mass communication (in English or another hegemonic language). Interest- ingly, the language historically labelled 'universal' turns out to realise its full potential in a numerically limited speech community.

Yet, reading Idris' engagement with Esperanto through the lens of horizontality and direct democracy does not mean that he and other Esperantists oppose mainstream mass media. As a tool to access infor- mation and make contacts via ad hoc communication, Esperanto inval- idates neither other languages nor mass communication. In addition to communicating with individual Esperantists online and regularly joining weekly debates in Esperanto, Idris also had on his mobile phone several news apps and read the news on a daily basis from The Guardian, Le

Monde diplomatique and Franceinfo, aside from several Tunisian newspa- pers online in Arabic and French. Hence, his use of Esperanto is not a way to evade or oppose the mass media or mass communication, but to add a further layer to his access to information.

In Gramscian terms (Gramsci 1996: 177—188), this is not a matter of opposition between the hegemony of English (or of any other hegemonic language) and the counter-hegemony of Esperanto. On the contrary, Esperanto figures in Idris' practices as a linguistic alternative that allowed him to aggregate new knowledge and make international communication more personal and enjoyable. Rather than broad-casting, Idris chose not to address a large and indistinct public, preferring to build online rela- tionships and friendships through one-to-one contacts in Esperanto. In other words, Esperanto became useful and effective precisely insofar as it was affective for him, which also owes to the relatively limited number of people who speak this language and make this community. Indeed, this usage of Esperanto turns it into a non-hegemonic practice: not some- thing that confronts other languages directly, but something that opens up a novel set of communicative practices. Yet, as in any line of flight, Esperanto's possibilities are bountiful, but not endless: as discussed, this language may not cultivate a plurality of options when it comes to job opportunities or possibilities of communicating with the wider society abroad.

This register places Esperanto simply as an alternative to other languages—and a powerful one, in effect, given that it works on the basis of affective, ad hoc communication. Esperanto provides Idris with possibilities that the other languages he speaks do not offer—among other things, by allowing him to derive pleasure from language learning and use. Moreover, since the existence of the community built around Esperanto is regularly confirmed by its speakers' everyday decision to continue speaking the language, for Idris, this voluntary character of people's involvement with Esperanto (Wood 1979) meant that he could meet people who were generally more open to communicative exchanges through cosmopolitan sociabilities. Aside from making friends abroad and having access to first-hand news through Esperanto, Idris also made the most of Esperantujo to improve his Mandarin skills through his contact with Chinese Esperantists, with whom he had been practising spoken and written Mandarin online. Whenever he had a question or made a mistake, he could have his doubts addressed—in Esperanto.

8.3 Deeds, Not Words

Through making use of the language to reach practical purposes other than advancing it as a cause, Esperantists such as Martine, Daniel and Idris conceive of Esperanto primarily as a liberal project, centred on indi- viduals. Its liberal quality is reinforced by its speakers' focus on people's freedom of choice. In this vein, Esperanto is presumed to appeal to individuals—rather than to governments or entire ethnic or national groups—who are free to make language-related choices, without being compelled to learn and use Esperanto due to governmental, geographical, social or professional constraints. Just as only liberal and autonomous subjects can make the decision to engage with Esperanto, any individual Esperantist can play a decisive role and make a significant difference in Esperantujo. In this sense, without a handful of Chinese Esperan- tist acquaintances, Idris would not have found opportunities to practise his Mandarin skills regularly; without their Vietnamese friends, Martine and Daniel might never have gone beyond Europe. Likewise, without a singer who sang a song in Esperanto during a concert, this couple might never have come across this language and the possibilities it brought to them. The network-like character of this community makes every medi- ator and every connection in Esperantujo matter, creating a setting in which any Esperantist can bring in first-hand information and establish meaningful and affective contacts with others.

It is within this framework of a liberal, non-hegemonic, non- compulsory language that we can draw parallels between Esperan- tujo and experiments in prefiguration. Traditional left-wing politics— comprising political parties, trade unions and institutionalised social movements—work towards changing power relations at the state level by pressing governments, private companies and other institutionalised bodies for social change. By contrast, the so-called new social movements and the New Left—often illustrated by the mobilisations against the 1999 World Trade Organisation summit in Seattle (Graeber 2009, 2010; Maeckelbergh 2011; Teivainen 2016) and other alterglobalisation move- ments that followed—seek change through prefiguration. Prefigurative politics refer to attempts to construct alternative social relations in the present (Maeckelbergh 2011) through the efforts of social actors who embody and enact, via their activism, the socialities and practices they foster for wider society. Unlike social movements that have clear goals and that aim at macropolitical revolutions and reforms, those based on prefiguration are closely related to mundane practices, with their partic- ipants enacting practical experiments involving grassroots democracy, horizontal learning, direct action and alternative micropolitical power relations (Yates 2015). Hence, when environmentalists adopt a vegan diet and more sustainable lifestyles or when feminists create support groups to fight sexual harassment, these activists are not changing wider society directly, but pre-figuring or embodying, through everyday action, the political messages they aim to convey (Flesher Fominaya 2014). By equalling means and ends and acting in accordance with the social changes they desire, these activists' practices act upon the present to build open-ended political alternatives to present-day society.

Martine's and Daniel's—as well as Idris'—Esperanto-related mundane practices prefigure their quest for alternative approaches to interna- tional communication, with Esperanto becoming for them a matter of deeds, more than simply words—even though the language and most of these communicative deeds pass by words. Their goal was not to promote Esperanto at the global level or seek support for the language among governments and institutions. Rather, their means equalled their ends and were enacted through their language use and their present- day engagements with this community, thus materialising their ideal Esperantujo.

Using the expression anarchist process, David Graeber (2010: 123) describes the process through which the principles of self-organisation, voluntary association, direct action and mutual aid—often perceived as anarchist-inspired prefigurative practices—have been increasingly adopted by a wide range of activists. Graeber (2010: 124; 2002: 72, foot- note 6) draws a distinction between what he calls capital-A and small-a anarchists. While the former tend to operate within anarchist groups, the latter mobilise characteristically prefigurative practices despite not neces- sarily conceiving of themselves as anarchists—or even as activists. Along these lines, it is worth considering how such an anarchist process also takes place among those who prefigure more egalitarian international communication, foster horizontal learning spaces and build networks to share first-hand information.

As Esperantists draw on prefigurative politics without being capital-A anarchists, the parallels between the anarchist process and Esperanto- related practices are only partial. Firstly, because the anarchist process carried out by capital-A anarchists is likely, or at least expected, to be all-encompassing: their actions are about transforming society by ques- tioning and ending authority, hierarchy and the concentration of power (Graeber 2010). The Esperanto-mediated practices of small-a anarchists, in turn, tend to concentrate on language issues. Secondly, while capital-A anarchists would refrain from appealing to the state and other insti- tutional bodies, Esperantists such as Martine and Daniel might avoid traditional touristic infrastructure (comprising commercial lodging, offi- cial guides and well-known attractions), but this does not mean that they would utterly refuse to show their passport at border control or stay in a hotel, for instance. Similarly, Idris may prefer affective, ad hoc commu- nication over mass communication, but he also reads newspapers and occasionally shares content publicly in French and English on digital media.

Therefore, these Esperantists are not refraining from engaging with mainstream aspects of the wider society, but using the language to add alternative layers to such mainstream options. They are not 'anti-' anything and are barely actively 'pro-' something. Instead, they celebrate a certain proliferation of possibilities and work their selves through a do- it-yourself attitude that characterises their engagement with Esperantujo.

This ethnographic focus on individual approaches to the language may lead the reader to think that, once a universalist project, Esperanto has renounced its ambitious goals regarding peace promotion and large-scale international communication. However, historical data illustrates how this prefigurative functioning has been in place since the language's early days. Erik Esselstrom (2008) and Esther Schor (2016: 121) narrate the life of Hasegawa Teru, known by her Esperanto pseudonym Verda Majo (Green May). Born in Japan in 1912, she soon became interested in politics and became acquainted with proletarian literary circles and with Esperanto. Adopting strong feminist and anti-war stances, Hasegawa learned Esperanto and married a Chinese Esperantist. Having moved to China, she joined the Chinese resistance and became a regular contrib- utor to Chinese periodicals, writing articles in Esperanto that reported on women's working conditions in Japan and urged Esperantists around the world to boycott her home country. On a similar note, at coffee breaks during present-day Universal Congresses, it is not difficult to come across Esperantists who enjoy talking about how they, not so long ago, fled the Soviet Union or Cuba by applying for visas or special permissions to attend these Esperanto gatherings. Using Esperanto to change their lives, many of them stayed abroad illegally and found shelter among fellow Esperantists. Even though several of these narratives are recent, something similar happened to Tivadar Soros, Georg Soros' father, who used the occasion of the 1947 Universal Congress of Esperanto in Bern, Switzerland, to escape Hungary (Tonkin 1999: IX).

Ultimately, if we conceive of people's engagement with Esperanto as prefigurative, then the distinction between the Esperanto community and movement would collapse. However, in taking emic categories seri- ously, this distinction remains. As associations (the traditional bastions of the movement) and particularly the finvenkistoj (the ardent promoters of Esperanto who work for the language's universalisation) lean towards thinking of Esperanto as a future-oriented cause, the way they define the Esperanto movement brings it closer to traditional social movements and farther from prefiguration. Hence, the movement is broadly defined in terms of future-oriented goals, while the community also comprises those who work their selves in the present through the language. Looking at Esperanto through the lens of prefigurative politics, thus, fleshes out the controversies between distinct perspectives on language and politics, while raising the question of what this anthropological research gains and loses with such attention to prefiguration.

8.4 A Language Not Meant to Become Universal: Esperanto as a Powerless Alternative

Forms of political action based on prefiguration such as grassroots activism for alterglobalisation, environmentalism, anti-racism and femi- nism have experienced ebbs and flows, but have received attention even from their antagonists. Esperanto, by contrast, is often listed among minor causes and dismissed, which subjects its speakers to mockery. In line with this, what does this study's focus on prefiguration say about the label of Esperanto as a 'failed universalist project?' Julien—who used Esperanto regularly as his working language for over two years—was one of those who formulated to me a detailed view on the prospects for Esperanto, spelling out, in a conversation in Esperanto, this language's alleged failure as something utterly foreseen.

Julien was 28 years old when we first met, in April 2017, in Rotterdam. A French national who studiedComputer Engineering in his homeland Bretagne, he moved to the Netherlands to volunteer at the offices of UEA and TEJO after graduating from university. An Esperanto speaker since 2011, Julien had already attended many Inter- national Youth Congresses in countries ranging from Israel to Vietnam. As a volunteer at UEA and TEJO, he later helped organise several similar meetings. His initial drive to learn the language originated from his interest in international communication combined with his unease towards English being a compulsory language throughout his studies and career:

In practice, we need English because it is almost imposed on us and we cannot really survive [in the job market] without it. I wouldn't say people shouldn't learn it because we shouldn't be less skilled due to refusing to learn a language. But English is not a good solution [for international communication] because it conveys the interests of certain countries and cultures [...] I don't like English, not because of the language itself, but because of how it was pushed on me. In my BA, nobody gets a degree certificate without passing an English exam from the university. I do speak English, but I don't think this requirement is fair, because our degree is in Computer Engineering, not English. And I think it's possible to be a good computer engineer without speaking English fluently.

If Julien was not happy with the fact that proficiency in a given foreign language should be a requirement in this case, does that mean Esperanto would be the solution for this issue? Continuing our conversation after a day of work at UEA's headquarters, he said:

If someone asks me 'why isn't Esperanto more widespread?', I would say 'because you still haven't learned it!' [laughing] But the truth is that learning Esperanto requires some effort. Esperanto is easier than non- artificial languages, but still, learning any language is difficult. Since Esperanto is hardly part of education systems in the world, one cannot imagine that half of the world would learn a language in their free time just out of pleasure. So I think Esperanto is not going to be widely used if it's outside the scope of formal education.

Following this, I asked him whether he thinks public education should offer Esperanto as a taught module, to which he answered:

When I think of Esperanto in terms of achievable aims, for me one of these feasible plans would be to have Esperanto as an optional subject in the French public education system, but not as a compulsory subject, so that it could be one among other languages available for the students to learn. But Esperanto shouldnt be imposed, because I disapprove of the way English is imposed. If we have an education system that says 'Ok, so now we'll all only learn Esperanto and no other language,' then it wouldn't be any better than the current situation.

A number of Esperantists[36] consider that the language should eventu- ally garner the support of states to grant a space for Esperanto in public education systems. However, keeping Esperanto as a choice, as high- lighted by Julien and Idris, is one of the key traits that set it apart from other languages and make it appealing to these speakers.

Throughout history, colonialism and imperialism left a linguistic legacy behind, establishing hierarchies between dominant and domi- nated languages, languages of the colonisers and of the colonised (Phillipson 1992). Such forms of linguistic imperialism remain in place via diverse mechanisms. Firstly, native speakers of dominant languages such as English and French largely regard the expanded use of their language worldwide as unproblematic. Secondly, language ideologies and practices validate certain languages as axiomatic languages of science, diplomacy and international business, conveying the idea that learning them can straightforwardly turn anyone into a 'citizen of the world'. With these languages being backed by powerful language councils, this situation culminates at present in the existence of language markets that generate income by turning learning materials, language courses and translation services into profit-making commodities. As a consequence, language figures among the most lucrative export products of certain countries (for the 'English language industry' case, see Phillipson 2003: 77-78 and Grin 2005: 82-85).

Hence, languages like English, French and Spanish can easily guar- antee certain prestige and recognition by means of an ever-growing language industry, especially in a world where, in Julien's words, one cannot survive in the job market without English. While power is what turns certain languages into global languages, this does not seem to be the case of Esperanto. A stateless language backed by individual supporters and by powerless institutions—such as Esperanto associations, subsidised mostly by annual membership fees—that hardly produce for-profit language products, Esperanto finds itself faced with a striking asymmetry of power. Yet, ironically, this asymmetry is behind Esperanto's very raison d'etre.

This view of Esperanto as a non-compulsory language appealing to individuals has been present since Zamenhof, who envisaged Esperanto as an antithesis to the top-down, coercive and xenophobic stances asso- ciated with national languages. Unlike national languages made global through political and economic power, Esperanto is purposefully power- less, meaning it will likely never become a de facto global language. If, as argued by Julien, people can choose freely whether to speak it or not, the possibility of not learning it is left open and many would certainly choose not to study it. Indeed, if we give due importance to the centrality of the language's non-compulsory character, it does not come as a surprise that Esperanto has never replaced the use of French and, currently, English, for international communication. Nevertheless, Esperanto succeeded in becoming a living language and in establishing a widespread speech community.

Diverging from the aspiration of Esperanto becoming the global language, Julien revealed to be one of the several young Esperantists who joke about this farfetched expectation. An example of his humorous approach to it was an Internet meme that he shared in the Tele- gram group of UEA and TEJO volunteers in April 2017. Based on an exploitable, the meme (in English) showed Zamenhof lying on a hospital bed after having been on a coma for one hundred years. As a nurse approaches the bed, Zamenhof asks her, in a dialogue in English: 'is Esperanto the global lingua franca yet?' And her answer is: '...what's Esperanto?' Widely circulated on digital media, this meme was created by young Esperantists as a joke aimed at the finvenkistoj and those who ceaselessly promote the language.

From this standpoint, without concrete prospects of being a politically powerful alternative or becoming a de facto global language, Esperanto seems to have lost its momentum, being occasionally labelled 'a lost cause' or 'a thing of the past'. These dominant expectations for the Esperanto movement are shaped by the model laid down by modern communist and socialist theories of comprehensive social change, as well as by other grand narratives and ideologies that assume social movements to be necessarily future-oriented and based on a linear temporality (Boggs 1977; Maeckelbergh 2011). Such theories, however, collapse when it comes to the causes and issues approached through prefigurative poli- tics. This contrast takes shape in Esperantujo in its most delineated form between, on the one hand, those who see Esperanto as a generator of lines of flight and, on the other hand, those who long for a future in which, through the accumulation of achievements and supporters, Esperanto could fulfil the long-term purpose sometimes assigned to it.

For speakers like Martine, Daniel, Idris and Julien, Esperantos polit- ical powerlessness vis-a-vis its fight for protagonism in the international scenario is seen as a constitutive feature of the language, rather than a flaw. This lack of political power, linked to Esperantos non-instrumental and non-compulsory character, is precisely what makes this language useful, in an affective-effective sense. Standing no concrete chance of replacing English for the purposes of international communication, Esperanto has 'failed'. Yet, in line with the perception that it should not be imposed, Esperanto had always been fairly unlikely to become a de facto global language in the first place. From the perspective of a prefig- urative endeavour, Esperanto has neither failed nor succeeded: it simply created and creates the frame wherein a set of present-oriented practices take place. Such practices, as we have seen, do not confront the main- stream options made available by wider society and by other languages. Rather, they produce novel possibilities through a powerless language that generates powerful communication and networking alternatives. If Esperanto indeed wins—by becoming a de facto global language, in the sense advanced by traditional social movements—it will have lost—for having become a hegemonic language, being imposed on people, like several other languages.

Unsurprisingly, the possibilities that Esperanto generates match with cosmopolitanism in practice: through speaking the language and joining the community, Esperantists learn cosmopolitan principles that are, later, enacted through cosmopolitan sociabilities. The latter, just as the very existence of this community, are ephemeral, intermittent and, some- times, even based on one-off personal contacts and one's sporadic partic- ipation in Esperantujo. Still, such cosmopolitan sociabilities operate changes in people's lives and open up for possibilities that go beyond the enactments of Esperantujo.

Over time, Esperanto has moved away from the label 'the universal language' and has been conveyed through more contemporary nomen- clatures such as a 'constructed' or 'artificial language' (more popular among nerds and geeks) and the more scholarly concept of 'interna- tional auxiliary language'. In line with this move away from Esperantos initial claim of universality, the profile of its speakers has also gone through changes, in which the stereotype associated with Esperantists in France shifted from intellectuals and the bourgeoisie to revolution- aries and leftists of all sorts and, more recently, to geeks and language enthusiasts. Likewise, the initial humanist cosmopolitanism linked to

Esperanto gave way to an internationalist one, in an increasing cele- bration of the national diversity that was originally underplayed. From a world-encompassing project, the significance of Esperanto turned the language into an increasingly liberal one: from the globe to individuals, from macro to micropolitics and from changing the world to working people's selves.

As argued by Christopher, an Esperantist in his sixties who hosted me during a trip to North East England, in a conversation in Esperanto:

Even if there's no one else speaking Esperanto in the world, this language won't have failed and won't necessarily die. All these materials, music, books, literature in this language have been produced, they will all remain here and, in the future, someone can find these materials, come across the language and make use of it again.

'We're not as numerous as we wanted, but we're more than you can imagine'. Ultimately, it does not matter how many Esperantists there are, but how far one can go and what can be done with Esperanto.

8.5 Keeping the Conversation Going

Returning to the title of this chapter, Bruno Latour (1993) argues that we have never been modern, asserting that the separation between nature and society fostered by modern science as the ultimate feature of moder- nity has never effectively taken place. This does not mean that scholars should neglect the modern constitution, but rather that modernity should be analysed as a powerful discourse that hides the ways in which nature and society are mutually constitutive. Through a very distinct argument, but perhaps reaching a not-so-different conclusion, Esperanto has never been primarily and solely universalist—nor universal. Focusing on the discourse about universalist ambitions that early Esperantists and finvenkistoj associated with the language and that non-Esperantists projected onto it casts a shadow on how the language is rendered meaningful through everyday practices. From helping people flee total- itarian regimes and enabling less touristy travelling to fostering spaces for horizontal learning and fairer communication, Esperantists' practices and orientations have blended prefigurative and universalist practices, with the former making the language fully operational, regardless of its universal use.

How many people speak Esperanto across the world? With the emer- gence of online language courses and digital media, is Esperanto more or less widely spoken than, say, 30 years ago? These are questions that matter to Esperanto associations and publishers, who rely on member- ship fees, congress attendance and purchases to justify the continuation of their activities. However, these are not among the main concerns of Martine, Daniel, Idris or Julien: for what they do, figures on Esperanto speakers are not as important as the quality of their conversations, trips, contacts and horizontal learning opportunities. Then, what does Esperanto—and, analogously, anthropology—gain and lose with such a focus on prefiguration?

Addressing this speech community and language movement from the perspective of universalism has led us to think of Esperanto ultimately as a project deeply rooted in modernism, with ambitions of becoming the de facto global language. Through this lens, we logically conclude that its present-day speakers are outcasts, a voluntary minority who supports a quixotic cause. Yet a closer look at instances of mundane language use unveils a different scenario, in which Esperanto becomes relevant to its speakers as a more open-ended achievement. From this view- point, Esperanto appears outside the framework of success and failure: it emerges as a tool that (re)politicises and brings back to the discussion the role played by languages in the fight for global justice and egalitarianism in communication.

Whereas an outlook towards prefiguration is in line with the present- oriented analytical focus ascribed to ethnography (Hastrup 1990), over- looking the way in which modern universalist discourses came into being entails losing sight of how Esperanto is conveyed as an improb- able success. Even if most Esperantists may have never effectively been universalists, such discourses that underplay the language's prefigura- tive prospects convey the perception that they were indeed universalists, which culminated in present-day Esperantists being more mocked than feared. It only becomes possible for us to discern the creativity and signif- icance of these prefigurative endeavours once we measure them against this powerful universalist discourse. This, in turn, also sets the grounds for—and the limits of—presentism.

Remaining close to metaphysical presentism, anthropologists such as Alfred Gell (1992) and Nancy Munn (1992) hold that both the past and the future only exist in their representations in the present. Drawing on these approaches, Felix Ringel (2016, 2018) suggests that anthropology should pay equal attention to every temporal relation and experience, regardless of them pertaining to the past, present or future. In this fashion, Ringel (2018) makes room for an outlook towards presently held perceptions of possible futures. Ringel's interlocutors in a shrinking town in East Germany in the twenty-first century consid- ered their personal and collective futures as an issue more pressing than their socialist and post-socialist (hardly achieved) pasts. By contrast, my interlocutors online and in Paris—mainly those engaging with Esperanto outside the framework of associations—considered Esperantos present as particularly important. Ensuring not to read my interlocutors' present experiences as determined by Esperanto's past, my analysis attempts to give symmetrical importance to how the historically devised, underlying universalist discourses and narratives that define Esperanto as 'anachro- nistic' influence the language's present-day use. In other words, a sole focus on the prefigurative endeavours of Esperantists that sidestep past discourses would risk curtailing the analytical potential of ethnography in making sense of the very present at stake.

Without leaving aside the commonplace universalist discourse surrounding Esperanto, I argue that being an Esperantist, both now and in the past, entails regularly speaking the language as a prefigurative prac- tice. In this sense, Esperantists' political activism and more egalitarian communicative practices place this language as a mundane communica- tive experiment that cannot easily fit the binarism success versus failure in the study of social movements. Could this framework of analysis be used to understand other social movements, citizens initiatives or political practices often classified as 'failures?' In proposing a novel way to look at present orientations, temporal reasonings and activism, this chapter has shown that, in Esperantists' prefigurative practices, what matters is not

replacing English or conquering the world, but keeping the conversation

going.

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9

Coming to a Close, or How Not to Put an End to the Conversation

To come to a close means an opportunity to recapitulate some of the main foci of this study—not to summarise what has been argued, but to address the questions initially put forward from the angles proposed throughout this book. In the beginning of Esperanto was the word, and at the beginning of this inquiry was a broad interrogation about how Esperanto speakers and Esperantists perceive the potentialities and contingencies involving the practices related to the language. Catching this community at a moment of significant changes in the way people communicate and mobilise politically, the present research proposed a fresh look at the political impacts of communication technologies in everyday socialities, language politics and community-building at both the local and global levels.

Through an ethnographic approach that followed language users, words, communication technologies and political stances, this book fleshed out the connections between space and time that bring an inter- national auxiliary language into being. Shifting between, on the one hand, the regularity of annual congresses and weekly meetings and, on the other hand, the irregularity of informal gatherings and ubiquitous

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive 239

licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 G. Fians, Esperanto Revolutionaries and Geeks, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030- 84230-7_9

online settings, such connections between space and time have revealed how the time of Esperanto has been conveyed as something that has passed, will come or is now and here. Ultimately, this final chapter argues that Esperanto has something to say about language politics, media and community-building by putting forward the paradoxical ways in which ephemerality lies at the core of the endurance of this language and speech community.

9.1 Mediation, the Language of Politics and the Politics of Language

Esperanto as an international auxiliary language can only be used in all its glory in international settings, where it becomes a fully-fledged mediator between people from different national, linguistic and cultural backgrounds. Yet, communicating across boundaries depends on bound- aries being erected and made evident. For this purpose, Esperantists draw lines between peoples so that they can later use the language to cross these lines and overcome the features that divide peoples. This process entails nation-states and their languages, flags, anthems, traditional cuisine, clothing, dances, music and 'culture' being placed under the spotlight so that Esperantujos international character can be effectively materialised via amplified national features.

In these settings, an eventful slip takes place, as internationality becomes easily interchangeable with multiculturalism. In Esperanto- mediated conversations and practices, nation and culture are largely equated through cosmopolitan principles that overlook differences in terms of sex, gender, religion, disabilities and educational backgrounds. Along these lines, enacting Esperantujo is not about bringing people together through the erasure of diversity, but through the display and celebration of particular forms of difference. While certain forms of difference are underplayed, others can rise and shine, which makes room for privileging a specific kind of Other: the national Other. In valuing national otherness through openness, curiosity and respect towards diver- sity, Esperantists develop the core features they come to share aside from the language.

The way in which certain differences are valued is also perceived in terms of language use, as Esperantists tend to highlight how their inter- locutors' vocabulary choice, pronunciation, prosody, phrasal construc- tions and use of interjections when speaking Esperanto operate as indexes of their nationalities. For this to happen, another eventful slip needs to take place: one's mother tongue comes to be problemati- cally seen as an index of one's nationality. Drawing an explicit contrast between Esperanto and hegemonic languages, Esperantists highlight how language variation is welcomed and perceived as a constitutive feature of this diverse, international community, in which virtually everyone is a foreigner. As Esperantists often argue, those who communicate in a national language without using such a language's standard variety may be discriminated against, whereas, by contrast, the standard variety of Esperanto is always under construction and not equally sought.

In the process of building the internal boundaries constituting this international community, also Esperantujo's external boundaries become clear. While people with limited linguistic competence in Esperanto may be accepted in Esperantujo—despite not being able to fully partic- ipate in certain exchanges and events—there are also those who are not entirely welcome. This is the case of people whose difference is conveyed not as a by-product of national diversity, but as peculiarity, and of those whose mindsets and actions diverge from the sets of cosmopolitan principles that back Esperanto—which are the terms and conditions for membership in this community. In this sense, even though the intrinsic ephemerality and the internationalist cosmopolitanism that prevail among present-day Esperantists may make Universal Congresses of Esperanto comparable to the Olympic Games or Universal Exhi- bitions (Malkki 1994; Harvey 1996), ultimately, Esperantujo revolves around building a community that, although not physically gathered at all times, endure in the long term. This implies that, beyond the frame- work of Universal Congresses, the members of Esperantujo are expected to be aware of and sympathetic to the cosmopolitan principles and the language ideology nurturing the language's use.

Along these lines, concentrating on the mediating role of the language drew our attention to how Esperanto becomes meaningful to its speakers by establishing frames wherein their national differences and polit- ical convictions can be communicated. Yet, eventually, Esperanto can only effectively carry out its mediating role through the settings (asso- ciations, debates, congresses, online spaces) and technologies (postal services, magazines, radio broadcasts and digital media) that, as ancillary mediators, enable communication to flow.

It is also worth noting that, even though the mediating role of the language leans on cosmopolitan principles to manage Esperantujos constitutive diversity, a language cannot manage every kind of difference. In this sense, communication in Esperanto is also liable to convey misun- derstandings and disagreements, particularly when it comes to political convictions.

Esperantos cosmopolitan principles can be easily associated with other internationally-driven causes and political stances, ranging from communism and anti-nationalism to the defence of universalism, polit- ical liberalism, democracy and free speech. Over the history ofEsperanto, two ways emerged to address the political antagonisms brought into this equation. On the one hand, the left-wing, workers' Esperanto movement attempted to establish a forum to debate political issues by (re)politicising communication more broadly. On the other hand, the neutral movement advanced the perception of fellow Esperantists as samideanoj, fellow thinkers, marking an attempt to (de)politicise certain aspects of these cosmopolitan sociabilities. Through conflict avoidance, the neutral movement encouraged Esperantists to work towards harmon- ising their political convictions as a way of preventing open antagonisms and ensuring the untroubled continuation of Esperantujo.

9.2 Mapping Community by Being Mobile

To turn the cosmopolitan principles behind Esperanto into sociabilities, those who agreed to learn the language need particular occasions, settings and technologies whereby to use Esperanto. Ranging from face-to-face international congresses to online groups and chats, the spaces that this community occupies became a key theme reverberating throughout this study. Chapter 3 examined how locating the Esperanto community was the first methodological challenge I faced when outlining this research. The real Esperantujo, I was told, resides in the international—and, in mobilising this argument, Esperantists pushed me to bring international

Esperanto congresses to the fore of my ethnography, as presented in Chapter 4. Yet, real Esperantujo has a limited life span: its concrete enact- ments take place for a week, once a year, during the Universal Congress, and for the same period and regularity during the Congress of SAT and the International Youth Congress—apart from other smaller and less international gatherings. In spite of regularly materialising Esperan- tujo, these events cannot provide Esperantists with stable spaces in which they could use the language continuously. As a result of Esperantists not usually being full-time Esperantists, these international congresses—as well as my Tour de France—proved to be unfeasible as permanent field sites for long-term participant observation.

As a response to this analytical and methodological issue, Chapter 6 illustrated what happens when an arbitrary and fixed location becomes imperative. If real Esperantujo is the emic category that defines how the reality of this community depends on its internationality, the, say, 'not-so-real' Esperantujo refers to its less international enactments, such as Esperanto associations. At SAT-Amikaro, Esperanto-France and other associations headquartered in Paris, Esperantists and I were settled, attending weekly meetings and keeping ourselves busy with regular Esperanto-related activities.

Yet, as it turned out, not every local Esperanto-related activity was institutionalised, which set me into motion again. In Chapter 7, even though I was physically within the limits of Ile-de-France, hardly leaving Paris, my interlocutors and I were using our mobile phones to make us mobile. From locating fellow speakers via GPS, texting via instant messaging apps, creating and sharing invitations to face-to-face events via social media, Esperantists gave rise to what was alternatively regarded as a poor replacement for the traditional forms of Esperantujo or a novel way of learning a language, making community and engaging with politics.

In this sense, wherever two or more Esperantists are gathered— either online or face-to-face—using the language, there Esperantujo is. Even though this means this community is potentially everywhere, it also means real Esperantujo is hardly anywhere. With the Universal Congresses standing for the 'capital city of Esperantujo' (Zamenhof, reproduced in Privat 2001: 70—71, my translation), the location of this community can occasionally be fixed on a map, as is the case of the

Universal Congresses that took place in Slovakia, South Korea, Portugal and Finland in recent years. However, as a pop-up community, real Esperantujo is materialised for a short period, being wiped off the map as soon as these gatherings are over. Constantly mapping all the individual connections that stand for the network-like character of the community would result in an over-charted Esperantujo. However, while Esperantujo is potentially everywhere, 'it is not down on any map'—after all, 'true places never are' (Melville 2009: 107). Faced with this spatial instability, what is left is the certainty that we could hardly find real Esperantujo in the same place twice, which makes this community highly mobile and largely unchartable, made up of practices that prevent the community's stability to draw on geographical roots.

9.3 Stability as a Matter of Power, Freedom and Choice

Esperantujo's relative unchartability—which results from the short life- span and shifting location of the events and connections that constitute it—adds up to this community's instability. This instability, in turn, is reinforced by the proportional lack of intergenerational transmission of the language and by the fact, highlighted in Chapter 8, that the regular use of Esperanto relies on its speakers continuously choosing to speak and write in the language and seamlessly engaging with the community. Against this background, the Esperanto movement became consolidated as an enduring and organised attempt to constantly attract speakers to Esperanto and to promote the language's regular use.

Historically carried out by associations, as discussed in Chapters 1 and 5, the Esperanto movement works in ways analogous to tradi- tional social movements, through strategies, arguments and practices to advance a cause. This cause is also linked to others, such as language activism within French territory: in the Occitanie region, most supporters of Esperanto speak and teach Occitan; in Bretagne, the connection is between Esperanto and Breton, whereas, in Paris, several Esperantists see the language as a tool to defend the French language against the influence of English or as a way to liken human languages to computer programming languages. Furthermore, the Esperanto move- ment gathers the support of communists, anarchists and pacifists, as well as advocates for more egalitarian forms of international communication and globalisation.

In addition to these well-established and institutionalised forms of the Esperanto movement, the language has come to bear relevance in other activist constituencies, where freedom of speech appears connected to freedom to code. Along these lines, Chapter 7 showed how Esperanto has gained ground through new communication technologies and emerging ways of engaging with politics. Without opposing governments, the mass media or proprietary software, Esperantists have used the language to open up possibilities that value people's freedom to use language in whichever way they want, through whichever media one pleases. Hence, language users become free not only to communicate, but also to contribute to the development of the codes and means of communi- cation that they choose to mobilise.

In this vein, also language forms reveal to be flexible as a way of becoming more inclusive and egalitarian. Unpacking how vocabulary choice becomes a key component of Esperanto's language ideology, Chapter 5 argued that language users resist authority by welcoming neol- ogisms and leaving the language open for continuous development. In line with the arguments in Chapters 7 and 8, flexible language standards enable Esperanto users to be also language developers, thus empowering anyone to potentially play a leading role in this language and community.

In Chapter 8, focusing on individual experiences with the language enabled us to understand the multiple shapes taken by power in Esper- antujo. In a scenario in which de facto global languages such as Latin, French and English have acquired their status through political, economic and linguistic imperialism, Esperanto represents an alternative, although not proposing itself as a candidate to replace such languages. Its alternative character stems from the fact that Esperanto is not expected to compete on equal terms with national languages turned global, for Esperanto is not meant to be imposed onto people. Remaining a language whose speakers can voluntarily decide to learn and use—thus, a matter of choice—means Esperanto may never become powerful to the point that potentially everyone would learn it. This, in turn, is a non-issue for those who engage with it through prefigurative lenses. If Esperanto already has an impact on these people's lives and has made them do things they would possibly not do otherwise, why should they be concerned with the future of this language and community?

Lastly, this ethnographic approach examined the universalist and prefigurative discourses and practices surrounding Esperanto to better grasp how distinct regimes of temporal reasoning affect community- building, political activism and language use. In this vein, this study showed how different—and, at times, conflicting—perceptions of past, present and future have shaped people's understanding of Esperanto as a cause to be advanced or, alternatively, as a mediator that opens up cosmopolitan possibilities for its speakers. Such an outlook towards temporal reasonings brings us back to power, choice and endurance. Since this language's continuity cannot rely on intergener- ational language transmission and since most people do not choose to study Esperanto, the language's power to continuously produce a stable critical mass of speakers is constantly at stake. If, as I argue, the commu- nity paradoxically thrives at the expense of the movement, how can the language subsist without persistent recruitment of new speakers? Ulti- mately, relying on people's voluntary engagements does not seem to bring much certainty and permanence to this community.

9.4 Towards an Empowerment of Ephemerality

The instability and uncertain endurance that Esperantujo constantly faces are expressed and experienced in regard to regimes of temporal reasoning. Thinking about international Esperanto congresses as pop- up enactments of real Esperantujo indicates that these meetings' locality is continuously shifting, their participants are not always necessarily the same and, even though the community is materialised once a year, its concrete existence does not last long—which accounts for its char- acter as a one-night-stand community. Meanwhile, whereas digital media has facilitated the emergence of further spaces for Esperantujos inter- nationality to take place, the connections and personal contacts that bring Esperantists together online are often deemed short-lived, thus mimicking this aspect of the Universal Congresses.

The limited life span of the connections forming Esperantujo is not exclusive to it. Yet such fleeting personal connections become particu- larly relevant when it comes to a speech community, given that language use and communication rely on more than one person to be effectively carried out. Even though the prevalence of ephemeral connections may compromise the permanence of Esperantujo, this is not necessarily a flaw, but rather one of the core elements constituting this community. As put by the poet Vinicius de Moraes, on love: 'Be not immortal as it [love] is like a flame / But be infinite while it lasts' (Moraes 1996 [1939]: 68, my translation). Likewise, the Esperanto community dwells on ephemer- ality, and what is more: without it, this language would not be equally meaningful to its speakers and supporters.

Someone who spends their life in a highly international, multilingual and multicultural setting is prone to take diversity for granted, such that diversity will likely not play a significant role in one's life. Likewise, a person who continuously speaks Esperanto—as their home language or working language, for instance—would not see it as something extra- ordinary since the language is part of their ordinary life. In this case, Esperanto would become, in many aspects, a language like any other: of customary use, necessary, spoken on a regular basis. By contrast, one of the striking traits of Esperanto is precisely that its use sets a frame and produces spaces and times in which people leave their ordinary, everyday lives aside for a moment to set their tune to an Esperantist frequency. In this particular wavelength, other people, things and places take centre stage and other language ideology and sets of principles gain prominence. Hence, the practice of the language constructs international Esperanto congresses as laboratories, short-lived experiments in which Esperantists are temporarily disconnected from their everyday lives and invited to try out new sociabilities.

Thinking from this standpoint, at times the fact that Esperanto is a language seems to be irrelevant for what it does. Gamers, freemasons, pacifists, speakers of Elvish—or, for what it is worth, anthropologists— could equally gather in associations, congresses, bars and online settings to talk about the projects and interests they have in common, jointly practise their activities and support their ideas. Yet, on the other hand, being a language backed by cosmopolitan principles makes all the differ- ence: the ways of experiencing Esperanto necessarily involve communi- cation—and, particularly, international communication. Put differently, gamers, speakers of Elvish and anthropologists may resort to analogous settings and communication technologies that play mediating roles, both online and offline. Yet, it is the role to be played by Esperanto as a mediator that distinguishes Esperantujo from the previously mentioned relational assemblages, since connecting people from different national, linguistic and cultural backgrounds through more egalitarian communi- cation is the key driving force behind the learning and regular use of this language. While, potentially, any language could do so, the cosmopolitan principles behind Esperanto turn this community into a singular meeting point for nationalities, languages and cultures in which communicating diversity is made central.

In leaving aside one's everyday life to join short-lived enactments of real Esperantujo, people have an opportunity to experiment with novel practices of language use, communication, political engagements and community-building. Ultimately, ephemerality is what constitutes this community as an episodic experiment, driving people to spend a certain amount of time away from their routine to co-produce language, value certain forms of freedom and choice and try out different interactions with people who also stepped out of their everyday circles of belonging. Eventually, in calling for an emphasis on ephemerality, this discussion invites us to consider brevity not as the opposite of endurance, and communities not as necessarily stable, long-standing relational assem- blages. Rather, ephemerality allows for certain forms of community to take shape and to open venues for extra-ordinary sociabilities to rise and shine, thus playing a role in shaping people's perceptions of the world beyond such community's materialisations.

References

Harvey, Penelope. 1996. Hybrids of Modernity: Anthropology, the Nation State and the Universal Exhibition. London and New York: Routledge.

Malkki, Liisa. 1994. Citizens of Humanity: Internationalism and the Imagined Community of Nations. Diaspora 3 (1): 41-68. https://doi.org/10.1353/ dsp.1994.0013.

Melville, Herman. 2009. Moby Dick or, The Whale. New York: Penguin Books.

Moraes, Vinicius de. 1996 [1939]. Soneto de Fidelidade e Outros Poemas. Rio de Janeiro: Ediouro.

Privat, Edmond. 2001. La Vivo de Zamenhof. Tyreso: Inko.

Afterword

I left Paris in late August 2017. My farewell involved meeting and saying goodbye to most of my friends and interlocutors. Since Esperanto asso- ciations were closed for the summer holidays, these farewell meetings had to be organised elsewhere, in bars, parks and people's homes. These occasions also involved a curious gift exchange. Even though I had been living in Paris for over a year, my foreignness still prevailed on the way people saw me, which resulted in a number of gifts my interlocutors gave me being French souvenirs for tourists. Apart from several books in Esperanto, some gifts consisted of miniatures of the Eiffel Tower, Paris- themed keyrings and memorabilia related to the French film Le fabuleux destin d'Amelie Poulain. From my side, to keep the gift on giving, I had to return the keys of the two associations that allowed me to have full access to their archives during my stay, and I was invited to present my partial research findings at SAT-Amikaro. Fortunately, my discussion about emerging communication technologies and the decline of certain associations did not cause them disappointment, and I considered my stay to be concluded successfully.

An element commonly present in many farewells, the exchange of contact details here took on a new meaning to me. I already had the

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WhatsApp numbers of most of my friends and interlocutors, as well as their e-mail addresses, but a great number of people double checked if I had their contact details, promising that we would stay in touch. To my surprise, unlike several of such occasions in which 'let's keep in touch' proved to be a hollow promise, we overall did remain in contact. On a similar note, this goodbye to Paris called my attention to a specificity of Esperantist farewells: the standard goodbye expression ĝis revido - which stands for 'until the next eyesight', in a free trans- lation' - is analogous to the English expression 'see you soon', rather than to 'goodbye'. Interestingly, as I prepared my return to Manchester, England, I jotted down in my field notes that all my interlocutors said 'ĝis revido' to me, occasionally with some people replacing this expres- sion with 'ĝis iam en Esperantujo', 'see you eventually in Esperantujo'. At this point, I noticed how I had taken farewells for granted at the end of Universal Congresses, where these two commonplace expressions in English meant not 'goodbye', but 'see you soon'. As I would experience in the months that followed, there is no farewell in Esperantujo, and one is always expected to meet one's Esperantist friends again somewhere, eventually.

Having kept in touch with several of my friends and interlocutors, I was also visited by two of them in England the following year. I no longer joined Universal Congresses, as that would require planning trips, taking time off and restarting my note-taking routine—but this did not stop me from occasionally receiving push notifications on Amikumu from visitors to Manchester, regularly exchanging WhatsApp messages and receiving all-too-frequent friend requests from unknown Esperantists on Facebook. In a quite intense and productive meantime, I continued to receive updates from Paris and, in August 2018, I went back to France for a week.

Keeping track of my field site from afar, I learned that SAT-Amikaro had experienced certain recovery. La SAGo, the associations bimonthly magazine, began to appear regularly again from late 2017, by initia- tive of some Paris-based association members, counting articles and contributions from other parts of mainland France—although rarely from other French-speaking countries. SAT-Amikaro also resumed its annual congresses from 2017, having held its latest congresses in Saint- Sebastien-sur-Loire (2017), Paris (2018) and Montlu$on (2019). The association partly surrendered to digital media and now has a largely inactive Ipernity group, a barely used Twitter profile, a relatively active Facebook page and a well-connected YouTube channel. Such online presence, however, hardly entails the production of new content, being limited to sharing posts from Esperanto blogs and other pages on digital media. SAT-Amikaro's headquarters, in turn, did not see prominent changes, with its language classes and weekly debates gathering partic- ipants and volunteers as before, without the fear of the association's closure coming true.

In the meantime, at the Ecole normale superieure, those taking Esperanto classes created their own student association, Esper'ENS, which they use to introduce new students to the language, take part in events and fairs at the university and receive institutional support.

Concerning digital media, the Duolingo Esperanto course for French speakers, released in beta in mid-2020, immediately gathered a consider- able number of learners—even though many French speakers interested in Esperanto had already taken the course from English. Moreover, at the moment of writing, the Esperanto course for Mandarin speakers is in preparation. Its beta version is to be released in mid-2022 and is already earning enthusiastic appraisals on the grounds of an expected growth of Esperanto in Asia. By contrast, Amikumu did not enjoy the same level of attainment. In August 2020, once the fuss over its creation was over, Chuck Smith sent an e-mail in Esperanto, entitled 'La fino de Amikumu?' (The end of Amikumu?) to the app's registered users, aimed at motivating them to become golden members. This membership status relies on payment, which would help stabilise the financial situation of the app and enable its continuation. Giving accountability to the app's users, the e-mail also highlighted that 'to show that we're serious about the community [of users], we are now reprogramming the entire app and we will make its code open!' Addressing one of the core claims of its Esperantist users, the app developers bet Amikumus continuation on freedom to code.

Through a WhatsApp call in late 2018, Idris told me that he had gotten a new job, which required him to work for longer hours, in a company in the outskirts of Paris. This prevented him from arriving on time for meetings and debates at Esperanto-France and SAT-Amikaro. Despite no longer attending these gatherings regularly, he continued paying his annual membership fees to these associations, meeting Esper- antists on weekends and communicating with them (me included) via digital media. Julien, in turn, returned to France in late 2017, after finishing his period as a volunteer at UEA and TEJO. Having shared his experience with his Esperantist friends in France, Julien succeeded in motivating one of his friends to follow his footsteps, which resulted in this friend applying for a volunteer position at TEJO the following year.

More recently, with the COVID-19 pandemic bringing about radical changes in the way people socialise and communicate, Esperantujo saw a new wave of people who took up online Esperanto courses during their time in quarantine. Perhaps this was one of the reasons for Amikumus struggle: why using a GPS-based app to locate people if users were not planning on going out and meeting anyone amidst a pandemic? For the same reason, several face-to-face Esperanto classes and debates were cancelled or moved to online chat rooms. UEA's 2020 Universal Congress, originally expected to be in Canada—as well as the 2020 Congress of SAT, planned for Poland—took place online. The same applied to the regular debates at SAT-Amikaro, whose online format hindered the participation of less digitally skilled participants. As expected, the video conferencing platform chosen by SAT-Amikaro to run its regular debates was Jitsi, rather than Zoom or Skype, due to Jitsi being open-source.

In the face of this new global scenario, it remains to be understood how these transformations will affect sociabilities and communication more broadly. Will Esperanto still be relevant in the long term for those who do not use digital media as a key means for communicating and building relationships? How will this community be reshaped once it has temporarily become largely deprived of its pop-up, face-to-face mate- rialisations? How is the novel sense of togetherness online transpiring in forms of community-building? Thinking of the role of digital media for the forms of political activism illustrated by #JeSuisCharlie, #MeToo and #BlackLivesMatter, has Esperanto been playing a role in this form of communication and protest? Ultimately, with the growing significance of digital media, are online settings becoming spaces for consensus-building or radical polarisation?

Keeping in touch with my Esperantist and French-based friends and interlocutors has given me a glimpse of some of these issues. However, above all, it was good to go back to Paris in August 2018, after a year, and see friends and old faces again. That trip led me to another reflection on the stability of Esperantujo: most of those I met again at the associations and gatherings, one year later, were the same people I had met before. Does this mean Esperantujo is more stable than I first thought? Or does it imply that the concerns I heard at SAT-Amikaro about the emptying of associations and of Esperantujo derive from the very fact that I met old faces again—meaning that there was a near absence of new faces? This book may not provide all the answers to these questions. And it is not meant to. Seamus Heaney once wondered 'Since when, he asked / Are the first and last line of any poem / Where the poem begins and ends?' (2001: 57). Along the same lines, since when are the first and the last line of a book where the research begins and ends?

Reference

Heaney, Seamus. 2001. Electric Light. London: Faber and Faber.

Index

 

 

A

Academie fran^aise 130, 134 Activism 4, 7, 154, 163, 167, 172, 173, 180, 191, 201, 202, 227 language activism 22, 23, 244 political activism 26, 27, 78, 151, 155, 167, 174, 202, 207, 208, 234, 246, 254 Adam, Eugene 46, 52, 106, 107,

110, 143 Adresaro (Address book/s) 71. See also Jarlibro

Age

age cleavage 180, 194, 196, 197, 201

age group 19, 195-197 ageing 164, 200 Akademio de Esperanto 111, 131, 132, 143, 145, 190

Alterglobalisation movement/s 220, 224

Alterity 25, 98, 207 Amikumu 73, 78, 89, 193, 199,

217, 252-254 Anarchism (anarchist/s, anarchiste) 4, 45, 49, 50, 109, 155, 159, 165, 171, 173, 202, 225 anarchist process 224, 225 Anderson, Benedict 13, 97 Anti-nationalism (anti-nationalist/s)

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive 257

licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 G. Fians, Esperanto Revolutionaries and Geeks, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84230-7

49, 242 Aries, Philippe 195 Association/s 2, 3, 9, 11, 13-15, 17-19, 21, 25-27, 33, 34, 41, 44-52, 59, 60, 62, 64, 66-68, 71, 73-79, 82, 84, 92-95, 108, 111, 118, 125, 126, 130, 133, 151, 154-171, 173-175,

180, 186-188, 191, 193-197, 199-203, 209, 210, 214, 216, 217, 224, 226, 229, 233, 242-244, 247, 251-253, 255 associationism 161, 164 Augustine of Hippo 171, 173

B

Babilrondo/Babilrondoj 2, 3, 165, 167

Bateson, Gregory 102, 221 Belle Epoque 37, 45 Belonging, sense of 97, 102, 103 Bilingualism (bilingual/s) 9, 22, 77,

81, 112, 135 Binarism 100, 113, 120. See also

Us/them Boellstorff, Tom 185, 194 Border/s 16, 23, 37, 38, 46, 90,

107, 170, 225 Bounded field site 76. See also Field site

Boundedness (unbounded/ness) 16, 70, 212

Bourgeoisie (bourgeois) 4, 42, 46,

49, 231 Breton language 135 Brexit 50, 170

C

Candea, Matei 53, 75, 76, 78, 79,

116, 134, 192 Cartography (cartographic) 34, 71, 73. See also Mapping (map/s) Castells, Manuel 220 Catalonia (Catalan/s) 23, 79, 82, 93, 118, 119, 121, 146, 152

Ceremony (opening ceremony)

91-94, 96, 98, 109-113, 118, 119

Childhood (children) 9, 10, 34, 51,

67, 115, 195, 210, 214 Choice 68, 78, 115, 126, 130, 132, 137, 139, 142, 144-146, 185, 200, 216, 217, 223, 228, 241, 245, 246, 248. See also Vocabulary choice Chomsky, Noam 1, 7, 10 Circulation (circulating) 36, 45, 52, 61, 66, 74, 75, 79, 84, 94, 98 Citizenship (citizen/s) 49, 61, 105,

113, 161, 214, 229, 234 Civic engagement 161

Clastres, Pierre 18, 147 Clothing (clothes) 34, 93, 98, 99,

118, 157, 240

Code-switching (code-switched) 6,

81, 82, 117, 157 Cold War 49, 169, 170, 172 Coleman, Gabriella 189, 191 Colonialism (colonial, colonies, colonisation, colonisers, decolonisation, post-colonial) 23, 37, 207, 229 Communication communication

technology/communication technologies 6, 13, 17, 20, 27, 36, 37, 49, 163, 180, 186, 194, 239, 245, 248, 251 international communication 1, 13, 15, 26, 37-40, 42, 104, 109, 120, 170, 202, 222, 224-227, 230, 231, 245, 248 verbal communication 12, 67

Communism (communist/s,

communiste, komunismo, komunisto/komunistoj) 4, 14, 20, 45, 47, 50, 109, 155, 163, 165, 166, 230, 242, 245 Community/communities

community of practice 13, 68 imagined community 13, 68, 97, 100

one-night-stand community 70, 246

pop-up community 73, 83, 84, 91, 244

speech community 4, 6, 7, 9-13, 17-20, 26, 44, 59, 67, 68, 70, 74, 80, 106, 127, 128, 131, 138, 143, 144, 147, 180, 197, 198, 200, 221, 230, 233, 247 Community-building 7, 13, 20, 26, 27, 70, 197, 200, 208, 239, 240, 246, 248, 254 Congress/es 16, 27, 35, 40, 43, 44, 48, 59, 60, 62-66, 68, 69, 73-75, 78-84, 89-96, 98, 100, 102, 106, 107, 109, 111-115, 117-120, 126, 128, 129, 139, 154, 157, 158, 160, 161, 165, 167, 175, 194, 196, 198, 199, 201, 210, 213, 226, 227, 233, 239, 242, 243, 246, 247, 252-254 Congress/es of Esperanto 9, 14, 17, 25, 43, 44, 49, 59, 60, 73, 79, 83, 89, 90, 104, 110, 120, 121, 156, 200, 213, 226, 241 Congress/es of SAT 199, 243, 254

Universal Congress/es of Esperanto 9, 14, 17, 25, 43, 44, 49, 59, 60, 73, 79, 83, 89, 90, 104, 110, 120, 121, 156, 198, 200, 213, 226, 241 Controversy/controversies 21, 76, 114, 126, 139, 142, 143, 147, 207, 226 Copyright 128, 189 Correction/s 134, 138, 146. See also Language/s: language correctedness Corsican language 22, 134, 143 Cosmopolitanism

(cosmopolitanisms, cosmopolitan/s) cosmopolitan openness 24, 90 cosmopolitan principle/s 6, 12, 13, 16, 21, 68, 90, 100, 101, 103-105, 110, 111, 119, 201, 209, 221, 231, 240-242, 248

cosmopolitan

sociability/cosmopolitan sociabilities 6, 100-103, 111,

114, 118, 120, 222, 231, 242 humanist cosmopolitanism 104, 105, 108, 109, 231

internationalist cosmopolitanism

108, 109, 241

non-nationalist cosmopolitanism

53, 103, 106, 107, 109, 110 Couchsurfing 71, 211 Couturat, Louis and Leopold Leau 38-40, 42, 44

Culture/s (cultural background/s)

19, 37, 38, 47, 51, 75, 79, 99, 101

Curiosity 37, 43, 100, 200, 240

D

Declaration on the Essence of

Esperantism 44, 129 De facto world language/s 26, 231 Delegation pour l'adoption d'une

langue auxiliaire internationale (Delegation for the Adoption of an International Auxiliary Language) 38 Deleuze, Gilles 209, 212, 213 Denaskulo/Denaskuloj 10, 146. See

also Speaker/s-from-birth Dictionary/dictionaries 43, 117, 126, 128-133, 135, 137, 139-141, 144-146, 191 Digital immigrants 194, 203 Digital media 6, 7, 24, 26, 27, 70, 74, 78, 125, 137, 163, 174, 179-181, 185-187, 193, 194, 197-199, 202, 203, 208, 225, 230, 233, 242, 246, 253, 254 instant messaging app/s 146, 179,

185, 186, 192, 198, 243 social media 145, 179, 185, 189, 192, 193, 196, 198, 201, 217, 219, 220, 243 Digital natives (natively digital) 26, 180, 187, 193, 194, 201-203 Discourse/s 22, 24-26, 51, 52, 54, 78, 108, 155, 164, 175, 232-234, 246 Dothraki 6

Duolingo 179, 181-184, 196, 197, 200, 253 Duolinganoj 187, 202 Duranti, Alessandro 12

E

Egalitarianism (egalitarian) 6, 7, 13, 15, 24-26, 35, 44, 51, 68, 71, 109, 129, 132, 139, 143, 144, 146, 147, 154, 191, 225, 233, 234, 245 Elvish 6, 247, 248 Emoji/s 180, 185, 186 English language 109, 130, 136, 137 as a dominant language 34, 229 as the de facto world language 26 Ephemerality (ephemeral) 27, 73, 100, 102, 165, 199, 231, 240, 241, 246-248 Esperanto

esperantism 44, 129 esperantist/s (esperantiste/s, esperantisto/j) 9, 11, 13-19, 21, 23-26, 34, 36, 42-46, 48-53, 59, 61, 63-71, 73, 74, 76-84

Esperanto community 12-15, 20, 21, 24, 48, 61, 68-70, 73, 76, 83, 90, 99, 103, 110, 154,

165, 174, 180, 194, 203, 226, 242, 247

Esperanto language 5, 12, 14, 27, 139, 140, 144, 146, 182, 190 Esperanto movement 15, 19, 26, 27, 44, 46, 48, 54, 62, 73, 76, 82, 106-108, 154, 156, 159,

164, 165, 168-170, 175, 180, 182, 194, 202, 203, 226, 230, 242, 244, 245

Esperanto speaker (esperantophone/s, esperanto-parolanto/j) 2, 4, 5, 7, 11-14, 19, 27, 51, 54, 61, 66, 72, 73, 83, 95, 137-140,

146, 158, 168, 180, 184, 187, 192, 193, 207, 227, 233, 239 Esperanto Association of Britain

(EAB) 164 Esperanto-France 33, 34, 36, 50-52, 67, 73, 77, 79, 82, 166, 168, 188, 191, 194, 209, 217, 254 Esperanto-jeunes (Junulara

Esperanta Franca Organizo, JEFO) 77, 168, 187, 194, 196 Esperantujo (Esperantio, Esperantoland) definition of 14, 54 materialisations of 70, 100, 203 online enactments of 188 real Esperantujo 68, 73, 78, 80, 82-84, 113, 133, 139, 154, 200, 242-244, 246, 248 Essentialism (essentialist, essentially) 98, 113

F

Facebook 5, 17, 78, 92, 144, 151, 168, 179, 183, 184, 187-189, 198, 219, 252, 253 Failure 27, 53, 54, 154, 169, 208,

227, 233, 234 Federalism 2, 3, 155 Fellow thinker 53, 106, 242 Field site 59, 75, 76, 78, 243, 252 Finvenkismo

(finvenkisto/finvenkistoj, Fina Venko) 18, 216, 226, 230, 232 First World War 36, 45, 106, 107 Flexibility

principle of 127, 137, 138, 141, 143

Foreign/foreigner 4, 37, 38, 68, 79, 80, 91, 104, 134, 140, 156, 166, 169, 181, 187, 210, 217, 219, 228, 241

foreignness 36, 80, 81, 112, 251 Forster, Peter G. 14, 15, 19, 38, 41, 45, 48, 52, 69, 76, 119, 129, 130, 156, 164, 167 Frame 4, 67, 102, 103, 113, 117, 175, 231, 247. See also Bateson, Gregory France

as a field site 76, 243, 252

Esperanto in 2, 7, 16, 21, 23, 24, 27, 33-36, 42, 50-52, 67, 73, 76, 77, 79, 112, 121, 126, 155, 156, 160, 162, 166, 168, 191, 194, 196, 207, 209, 217, 243

politics in 2, 21-24, 27, 77, 161, 166

regionalisms in 22 Francophonie 23 Freedom 45, 125, 131, 161, 189, 191, 223, 248

freedom of speech 187, 192, 201, 245

freedom to code 187, 192, 201, 245, 253 French language 76, 134, 244 Fundamenta Krestomatio de la Lingvo Esperanto (Fundamenta Krestomatio) 128, 140

Fundamento de Esperanto

(Fundamento) 128-131, 140-143, 145 Future 6, 20, 26, 37, 43, 154, 155, 161, 164, 171-175, 202, 203, 214, 219, 226, 230, 232, 234, 246

G

Gamification (gamify, gamifies, gamified) 181, 182, 198 Garvia, Roberto 19, 36, 40, 43, 49, 52, 54, 76, 103, 128, 131, 156, 214 Geek/s 4, 49, 191, 203, 231 Generation/s (generational) 9, 20, 26, 163, 164, 169, 180, 182, 187, 192, 194, 195, 197, 201-203

Globalisation (global) 6, 22-24, 42, 67, 70, 73, 81, 109, 191, 200, 219, 221, 224, 229-231, 233, 239, 245, 254 Goal-oriented 15, 212, 219 Graeber, David 224, 225 Grammar (gramatiko) 2, 7, 8, 10, 18, 22, 90, 96, 97, 128-130, 137, 139, 140, 145, 181, 183, 201

Guattari, Felix 212, 213

H

Hackers (hacking) 191 Harvey, Penelope 37, 114, 241 Hegemony (hegemonic,

non-hegemonic) 4, 26, 37, 50, 81, 117, 130, 131, 134, 135, 140, 144, 146, 170, 190, 218, 221-223, 231

counter-hegemony

(counter-hegemonic) 222 Herder, Johann Gottfried von

(Herderian/s) 49, 99, 118 History 7, 13, 19, 25, 27, 34-36, 50, 54, 69, 71, 75, 94, 97, 104, 117, 131, 159, 162, 167, 202, 229, 242 Hobsbawm, Eric 37, 97 Homaranismo 18, 44, 103, 105, 106 Hope/s 26, 93, 96, 154, 172, 173, 175, 180. See also Yearning/s Horizontality (horizontal) 4, 26, 54, 127, 131, 147, 219, 221, 224, 225, 233 Hospitality (host/s, host-guest, hospitable) 13, 71, 72, 95, 104, 209, 210

I

Ido 42

Inclusiveness (inclusive, inclusivity)

7, 14, 25, 101, 110, 127, 129, 132, 138, 143, 144, 146, 147, 217, 245 Instability 27, 244, 246 Instrumentality (instrumental) 217 Intergenerational language transmission 7, 246 Interlingua 42

Intermediary/intermediaries 17, 195,

196. See also Mediator/s Interna ideo (inner idea) 44, 180 Internationalism (internationalist/s)

25, 45, 49, 90, 97, 103, 106, 108, 114, 120

Internationality (inter-national) 8, 16, 90, 98, 99, 108, 111, 116, 118, 120, 127, 139-141, 143, 185, 213, 240, 243, 246 principle of 127, 137, 139-141, 143

Internet 4, 9, 17, 24, 26, 64, 145, 163, 180, 183-185, 190, 192-194, 197-199, 203, 216, 219, 230

J

Jaffe, Alexandra 22, 117, 136

Jansen, Stef 80, 172, 175

Jarlibro 71. See also Adresaro (Address book/s)

K

Klingon 6

Kulick, Don 180

L

Language/s

artificial language/s 6, 36, 43, 54,

228, 231 computer programming

language/s 24, 26, 191, 215, 245

constructed language/s 1, 4, 11, 36, 39, 40, 111, 127, 128, 131, 138 international auxiliary language 4, 8, 11, 12, 15-17, 38-40, 42, 43, 54, 67, 231, 239, 240 language activism 22, 23, 244 language class/language classes 67, 126, 139, 156, 175, 253

language correctedness 134, 138, 146

language council 130, 146, 147,

190, 229 language creation' 39, 42, 126, 131, 143

language fluency (fluent/fluently,

competence) 10, 146 language ideology/language ideologies 7, 13, 24, 25, 51, 126-129, 134-138, 141, 143, 146, 147, 180, 190, 191, 229, 241, 245, 247

language learning 9, 26, 63, 166, 179-182, 184, 185, 198, 214, 217, 219, 222, 229

language politics (politics of

language) 7, 20, 27, 239, 240 language problem/s 50, 81, 109 language variation 13, 142, 146, 241

lingua franca 20, 43, 54, 230. See

also Lingue franche linguistic authority/linguistic authorities 127, 130, 132, 136, 137, 139, 143-146, 221

linguistic discrimination 2, 15,

127, 138 linguistic diversity 22, 47, 80 linguistic imperialism 131, 229, 245

linguistic justice 108 national language/s 22-24, 38, 39, 47, 81, 117, 170, 218, 229, 241, 245

planned language/s 9, 82, 103,

107

regional language/s 22, 23, 77, 134, 135

standard language 134 universal language 1, 40, 43, 53, 54, 104, 208, 231. See also Akademio de Esperanto Lanti. See Adam, Eugene Lapenna, Ivo 47, 108, 110 Latin 8, 38, 91, 96, 188, 245 Latour, Bruno 17, 213, 232 League of Nations 42, 47 Le Chapelier, Law 161 Left-wing, workers' Esperanto movement (left-leaning associations, left-wing Esperanto speaker/s, left-wing Esperantist/s) 2, 4, 7, 21, 22, 27, 46, 82, 106, 107, 151, 155, 156, 162-164, 166-169, 173-175, 180, 202, 203, 223, 242

Lingue franche 38 Lingvaj Respondoj 128 Lins, Ulrich 20, 41, 42, 44-50, 52, 76, 78, 131, 194

M

Maeckelbergh, Marianne 202, 224, 230

Magazine/s 2, 40, 61, 64-66,

74-76, 79, 91, 130, 156-158, 160, 166, 175, 182, 184, 196, 197, 242, 252 Malkki, Liisa 108, 113, 241 Mapping (map/s) 25, 34, 36, 51, 52, 61, 67, 70-76, 78, 83, 84, 95, 114, 127, 242-244. See also Cartography (cartographic) Marcus, George 75, 127

Materiality (materialisation/s,

materialised) 7, 13, 67, 68, 80, 90, 102, 165, 193, 199, 221, 224, 240, 246, 248, 254 Mediator/s 16, 17, 18, 24, 52, 74, 80, 81, 84, 90, 108, 223, 240, 242, 246, 248. See also Intermediary/intermediaries Metacommunication

(metacommunicative) 102 Metalinguistic/s 102, 133, 144 Mise en discours 36, 50, 53, 208 Mobile phone 89, 117, 126, 133, 180, 182, 185, 186, 189, 193, 199, 221, 243 app/s 73, 193 Mobility 25, 61, 66, 80, 83, 98 Momentum 19, 26, 45, 169, 170,

172-174, 196, 230 Multiculturalism 108, 240 Multilingualism 50, 108 Multi-sitedness (multi-sited

ethnography) 25, 70, 75, 80. See also Field site

N

Nation/s 19, 38, 97, 99, 104, 106,

108, 114, 115, 120, 240 National

fellow national 70, 98, 113 national diversity 90, 98, 100, 103, 112, 113, 117-120, 154, 213, 232, 241 nationality/nationalities 2, 17, 63, 90, 97-100, 102-106, 108-111, 113-120, 146, 241, 248

national Other/national Othemess 25, 90, 98, 100, 109, 113-115, 118, 120, 166,

214, 240 Nationalism (nationalist/s) 4, 21, 22,

25, 37, 90, 97, 99, 103, 106, 114, 119, 120. See also Anti-nationalism (anti-nationalist/s) Nativespeaker/s 10-12, 15, 78, 80, 81, 115, 116, 127, 135, 136, 143, 146, 184, 190, 194, 221, 229

Neologism/s 127, 131, 134-137,

140, 144, 190, 191, 245 Network/s (networked) 17, 25, 35, 49, 61, 74, 75, 77-80, 83, 84, 163, 189, 192, 200, 203, 212,

219, 221, 223, 225, 231, 244. See also Latour, Bruno

Neutral Esperanto movement 46,

48, 106-108 Neutrality 44-46, 48 Nostalgia (nostalgic) 172, 173 nostalgia for the future 172

O

Occitan language 23 Open-endedness (open-ended) 196,

212-214, 224, 233 Open-source 109, 110, 133, 138,

189-191, 254 Otherness 25, 90, 113, 115, 118, 240. See also National: national Other/national Otherness

P

Pacifism (peace movement/s,

pacifist/s) 7, 45, 46, 49, 109, 155, 165, 169, 247 Participatory cultures 180, 192, 197, 201

Pasporta Servo 71, 72, 199 Periodical/s 3, 41-43, 128, 131,

186, 218. See also Magazine/s Political activism 26, 27, 78, 151, 155, 167, 174, 202, 207, 208, 234, 246, 254 Political and philosophical

programme 99, 100, 103, 104, 108

Politicisation (politicise, politicising)

25, 137, 147, 233, 242 (re)politicisation 25, 144, 147, 233, 242 Powerlessness (powerless) 227,

229-231 Prefiguration New Left 224 prefigurative politics

(prefigurative) 26, 208, 224-226, 230, 233, 234, 246 versus traditional social

movements 208, 223, 224, 226

Presentism 234 Primordiality 137, 143 principle of 127, 140, 141

R

Regimes of temporal reasoning 20, 171, 173, 202. Seealso Temporality

Relational assemblage/s 12, 27, 66, 69, 248

Revolutionaries 4, 46, 50, 203, 231 Rhetoric of loss 174 Ringel, Felix 173, 202, 234

S

Samideano/samideanoj 18, 53, 106,

242. See also Fellow thinker SAT-Amikaro 2-4, 76, 82, 125, 132, 137-140, 151, 153-175, 187, 202, 215-218, 220, 243, 251, 252, 254, 255 Schor, Esther 17, 20, 52, 76, 103, 226

Second World War 108, 110, 167, 195, 196

Sennacieca Asocio Tutmonda (SAT) 3, 46, 48, 71, 79, 106-108, 132, 155, 156, 158, 168, 174, 186, 199, 218, 243, 254 Shokeid, Moshe 70 Silverstein, Michael 129, 136 Social class/social classes 19, 21, 110, 203

upper-middle class/upper-middle

classes 37 working class/working classes (working-class) 3, 45, 106, 157, 174

Socialism (socialist/s) 49, 109, 157,

163, 165, 166, 230, 234 Social movement/s 6, 12, 26, 51, 109, 154, 155, 160, 163, 166, 167, 169, 170, 172, 201, 202,

208, 223, 226, 230, 231, 234, 244

Speaker/s-from-birth 10, 146. See also Denaskulo/Denaskuloj Stability 7, 9, 48, 127, 130, 142, 155, 160, 165, 167, 169, 244, 255. See also Instability Stereotype/s (stereotypical,

stereotyped, stereotype-based)

14, 34, 90, 102, 113, 118, 165, 203, 231 Success (successful, unsuccessful) 27, 43, 50, 54, 154, 155, 167, 179, 233, 234

T

Temporality 171, 230. See also

Regimes of temporal reasoning Territory/territories

(territoriality/territorialities, territorialised, territorialising, territorialisation) 7, 11, 22, 47, 49, 61, 69, 70, 73, 75, 76, 79, 83, 97, 162, 212, 244 Togetherness 102, 103, 254 Translation 14, 17, 35, 45, 61, 62, 73, 81, 104, 107, 129, 130, 143, 145, 161, 184, 191, 201, 229, 243, 247, 252 Travel (travelling, traveller/s,

travelled) 4, 12, 13, 16, 26, 37, 43, 49, 52, 54, 60, 61, 65, 66, 71, 74, 79, 80, 83, 84, 90, 92, 101, 166, 193, 199, 209-214, 216, 217, 232

Tutmonda Esperantista Junulara Organizo (TEJO) 48, 59, 61, 62, 65, 66, 79, 108, 179, 194-196, 227, 230, 254 Twitter 78, 183, 188, 219, 253

U

UNESCO 35, 47, 48, 108, 118 United Nations (UN) 47, 48, 94, 108, 118, 120, 125 Universala Esperanto-Asocio (UEA) 45-48, 59-66, 68, 71, 77, 79, 82, 89, 91, 92, 95, 96, 105, 108, 109, 111, 118, 139, 145, 179, 182, 194, 200, 202, 227, 228, 230, 254 Universal Exhibition/s 37, 43, 45, 114, 241 Exposition Universelle 38, 42 Universalism (universalist/s,

universalising) 38, 42, 43, 45, 53, 104, 105, 154, 225, 227, 232-234, 242, 246 Us/them 100, 113, 120. See also

Binarism Utopia (utopian/s) 6, 53, 154

V

Vikipedio 144, 183, 189, 191, 203.

See also Wikipedia Vocabulary choice 126, 132, 134, 137, 139, 142, 144-146, 245. See also Choice

Volapuk 40, 42, 128, 131

W

WhatsApp 65, 78, 188, 189, 252, 253

Wikipedia 144, 183, 189, 192, 203 Wordplay/s (wordplayed) 96, 186, 190, 191

X

Xenophilia 110, 114 Xenophobia (xenophobic) 16, 110, 229

Y

Yearning/s 155, 172-175 Youth/s 48, 163, 164, 168, 186, 187, 194-196, 199, 213, 227, 243

YouTube 35, 51, 92, 144, 168, 179, 184, 189, 191, 196, 253

Z

Zamenhof, Ludwik Lejzer 3, 7, 8, 11, 14, 17, 35, 40, 41, 44-46, 51, 52, 68, 69, 71, 73, 76, 96, 97, 103-107, 109, 110, 127-131, 138, 140-143, 229, 230, 243

³ With the Holocaust, this situation was aggravated due to Zamenhofs Jewish origin. Hitler himself alludes to it (1939: 240), depicting the language as part of a world domination plan designed by the Jews. As pointed out by Humphrey Tonkin (2011: 162), 'Hitler was not entirely

I usually have an idea based on what we sold in previous years, but it also varies a lot [...]. It's always like a wheel of fortune, we never know what

I was facing a similar issue. When I helped Andrei in Rotterdam, we were helping make the Esperanto association function as a hub from which many kinds of movement began to gain relevance for Esperanto speakers, as books, leaflets, magazines, people, ideas and information, among other things, were being set in motion. While I tried to make sense of this circulation, draw networks and identify mediators and technologies, Andrei and I were not only mapping out connections. Rather, we were ourselves connecting actors by making things circulate. In this way, my methodological endeavour of tracing the use of Esperanto turned out to mean playing a central role in the continuous building of this speech community across national borders.

[1] All the personal names in this book are pseudonyms in order to preserve the identity of my interlocutors. These pseudonyms are based on popular names according to my interlocutors' nationality, age and sex. The exceptions are historical and public figures, to which I refer by name and surname.

[2] Unless otherwise indicated, the conversations referred to concern linguistic exchanges origi- nally carried out in Esperanto translated into English by myself. Throughout the book, direct transcriptions and quotes that were originally in a language other than Esperanto will be indicated.

[3] Esperanto has been comprehensively presented in both descriptive and prescriptive grammars. For my purposes here, I only approach its core linguistic features, partly based on Wells (2006).

[4] Such claims of internationality are frequently questioned by those who argue that Esperanto is not equidistant from all existing languages (Van Parijs 2011: 40—42) and that its European typology makes it less accessible to speakers of non-European languages (see Parkvall 2010). It is worth keeping in mind that Esperanto was created in a specific place and time and Zamenhof had more access to European languages than to any others, which accounts for the European weight in Esperanto's phonology, grammar and vocabulary.

[5] The 'from-birth person', as in de 'from', nask 'birth', u/ 'person', o noun'.

[6] Sign languages are excluded from this principle.

[7] Such an approach was suggested by Helge Jordheim's discussion (2014) on synchronisation and the multiplicity of regimes of temporal reasoning, and was further developed by the same author's latest work (2018).

[8] His name was Eugene Adam, and Lanti (a variation of l'anti, the against-person, in French) his pseudonym (Lins 2016: 168).

[9] The hostility Esperanto suffered from totalitarian and dictatorial regimes went beyond the European continent. Esperantists were seen as subversive even in China, Korea, Taiwan, Japan and Brazil (Lins 2016: 44-46, 72-73, 144-145; Fians 2017: 38-39). It is interesting to note that, in Korea, the teaching of Esperanto and of the Korean language was forbidden by the Japanese government in the same year, 1937.

wrong when, in Mein Kampf, he described Esperanto as a language of Jews and communists', since 'the number of Jews and leftists associated with it, particularly in the inter-war years, was disproportionately high'.

[11] In the 1920s and 1930s, SAT's membership was largely affected by a dispute between SAT and the Sovetlanda Esperantista Unio (SEU, Soviet Esperantist Union) (SAT 1953; Lins 2016). Similarly, the neutral movement saw a split between UEA and the Internacia Esperanto-Ligo (IEL, International Esperanto League) in 1936, though IEL reunited with UEA eleven years later.

[12] Regarding East Asia, Ulrich Lins (2008) and Ian Rapley (2013a) illustrate how the possibility of engaging with cross-border networks and the idea of resisting colonisation through moderni- sation were key for the promotion of Esperanto in China and Japan. At present, connections with internationalism elicit some resistance to this language in certain Middle Eastern and North African countries where Esperanto is seen as a Western import and, therefore, as something undesired.

[13] For instance, France can be translated as either Francujo or Francio, and England as Anglujo or Anglio.

[14] Hence, Franco, a Frenchman, and Francujo, a container for the French people. Zamenhof suggested -i- in his 1894 language reform proposal as an alternative, to avoid determinist overtones of a country being a container for a specific people or ethnic group (Forster 1982: 136).

[14] In other regions of France, it is common for local Esperanto associations to invest in the teaching of Esperanto in elementary schools within the scope of the extracurricular activities proposed by the projects NAP and TAP (NouvelleslTemps d'Activites Periscolaires). Similarly, such Esperanto associations often support initiatives to promote regional languages, such as Breton in Bretagne and Occitan in the south of France.

[14] Marianne Cramer conducted a historical analysis of the left-wing, workers' Esperanto move- ment 'without being an Esperantist' (2005: 6)—meaning, in this case, without mastering the language. As a result, she was not able to access most of the Esperanto language primary sources and had to rely on the help of French Esperantists to translate documents.

[15] I use national Other with capital O to underline the 'different' features at once abstract and relational that are said to characterise Esperantists from distinct national, linguistic and cultural backgrounds.

[16] In commenting on how constructed languages such as Esperanto work to create new worlds, Monica Heller states: 'either we think we will solve human problems by finding a way to communicate clearly across difference, or we think we will do so by embracing the incommen- surability of difference. Sometimes, we think both are true at once' (2017: 13). This applies to how the cosmopolitan sociabilities at stake sometimes blend the principles outlined in the previous section.

[17] Regarding varieties of Esperanto according to the influence of people's mother tongues, it is also relevant to consider such influence in cases of children who learn Esperanto from birth (Corsetti et al. 2004; Lindstedt 2006, 2010; Fiedler 2012: 73-76) and in stress patterns in spoken Esperanto (Abrahamsen 2015).

[18] This issue gained visibility in recent years with languages constructed for artistic purposes, such as Marc Okrand's Klingon (Star Trek) and Paul Frommers Na'vi (Avatar), whose speakers recognise the language creators as ultimate authorities and the only people authorised to coin new words in these languages (Schreyer 2015, and personal communication).

[19] Over its history, similarly to what happened to Volapuk, Esperanto emerged as a fertile ground for language reformers (Garvfa 2015). In 1894, Zamenhof faced the first proposal of spelling reform. It, however, was later dismissed by a vote from the subscribers of the periodical La Esperantisto. Also noteworthy is the -ata/-ita debate (summarised in De Hoog et al. 1961), on verb tenses and forms of the past participle, where the Akademio played a decisive role.

[20] This advice comes from Claude Piron (1989), to whom Esperantos internationality depended on the language being understood by Esperanto speakers from culturally and geographically distant places, such as China and Japan. Along surprisingly similar lines, also Max Weber (1949: 58—59) prompted social scientists to write for a 'Chinese reader'—meaning someone less prone to share the commonsense assumptions of Western scholars.

[21] For instance, the Plena Manlibro de Esperanta Gramatiko (Wennergren 2005)—PMEG, Complete Manual of Esperanto Grammar, whose abbreviation jokingly reads as 'pomego', big apple—answers the pioneers' call for developing and normalising the language. The PMEG goes beyond Zamenhofs Fundamento and also covers aspects like punctuation and prefixes of units of measurement (such as gigawatts, GW), which were not set in Esperantos sixteen basic grammar rules.

[22] Even though, as highlighted before, such terminology and categorisation are mine, not Zamenhof's.

[23] Before the foundation of SAT and SAT-Amikaro, there had already been a left-wing, workers' Esperanto movement in France. Esperantists acted mostly through non-Esperanto associations and published articles in the left-leaning magazine EHumanite, reporting on the 1905 Universal Congress of Esperanto and 'stressing the value of Esperanto for the workers, who do not have the means for luxuries such as learning foreign languages' (Forster 1982: 189).

[24] Ironically enough, as we will see, his cap read 'Antaŭen', which is the imperative form of 'to move forward' in Esperanto.

[25] Public programmes, such as the European Voluntary Service and Service Civique, have given young people the opportunity to participate as paid volunteers for a certain period in French associations. While increasing youth's participation in the associative milieu, such programmes have also made their volunteering conditional on remuneration, which often results in their involvement being terminated when the financial support ends.

[26] In some cases, one's link to a particular association is also linguistically marked. Several members of SAT-Amikaro who do not use Esperanto elsewhere distinguish 'ci' and V' as, respectively, the informal and the formal second person singular in Esperanto. Doing so marks a refusal to use a linguistic form of deference, emphasising the equality between every language user. Unintentionally, this performative use of Esperanto also discloses their mother tongue, since this distinction is drawn from the difference between 'tu' and ' vous' in French and is not used by Esperanto speakers from other linguistic backgrounds. Nonetheless, 'ci' as an informal second person singular also figures in some early Esperanto texts, as well as in documents from the French Esperanto Youth Organisation (JEFO, the youth branch of Esperanto-France) from the 1970s. Nowadays, however, it is a linguistic mark often associated with SAT-Amikaro and, to a lesser extent, with SAT, while 'vi' consolidated its position as the standard second person singular in Esperanto.

[27] Several SAT-Amikaro members were against using Brexit to promote Esperanto. For them, the idea of advancing it as a candidate working language for the EU would turn Esperanto into a hegemonic language. If the learning and use of Esperanto were to become a requirement in some settings, this would undermine the language's non-compulsory character.

[28] The figure refers to people who registered to learn Esperanto, since Duolingo does not disclose data on how many users effectively complete its courses.

[29] Here I follow Boellstorff's (2008: 20—21) distinction between 'virtual' and 'actual' worlds. Such choice of terminology avoids the trap of considering the 'virtual' as opposed to the 'real' world, which, in turn, would imply that technology makes 'real' life less real.

[30] Such as in the case of 'software' and 'drone', as discussed in Chapter 5.

[31] One of JEFO's most traditional undertakings was the organisation of FESTO, a week-long Esperanto festival taking place annually since 1996. FESTO was, however, discontinued after 2014 due to a shortage of volunteers to organise it.

[32] In 2016, the age limit for membership at TEJO was also increased from 30 to 35 years old. This was aimed at expanding the associations membership and ensuring that some active members could remain for longer.

[33] TEJO proved to be an exception in this regard. Through feeding active social media profiles, encouraging young Esperantists to participate in YouTube videos about student life, offering free magazine samples to those who finish Duolingos skill tree and organising online meetings, TEJO succeeded in converting a number of online learners into members.

[34] In this regard, it is interesting to note the strategy that Esperantists developed to bypass the hesitancy of saying 'good morning', 'good afternoon' or 'good evening' in online communica- tion, particularly in spoken chats. For not knowing in which time zone their interlocutors are, Esperantists frequently greet each other saying 'bonan tageron , meaning 'good fragment of the

day'.

[35] As explained before, the printed database of Pasporta Servo also became available online in 2008. However, Pasporta Servo's interface was meant to be accessed through the computers Internet browser and, for this reason, it is not as user-friendly for mobile phone users as Amikumus.

[36] Such as the members of the political party EDE (Europe-Democracy-Esperanto), which attempts to gather support for Esperanto within the framework of the political institutions of the European Union (see Fians 2018).